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HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND
Fight for independence
The emergence of Sinn Fein: AD 1916-1919
In the aftermath of the events of 1916 more people than ever in Ireland are convinced that independence from Britain is the only way forward. At this stage the majority still puts faith in the the constitutional methods advocated by John Redmond's Nationalist Home Rule party. The violent approach of the Sinn Feiners, as seen in the Easter Rising, has as yet relatively little support.
This changes over the next few years, largely because of the inability of the British government to provide any new initiatives as the World War drags on and thus delays - it seems endlessly - the fulfilment of the Home rule act passed in 1914.
This changes over the next few years, largely because of the inability of the British government to provide any new initiatives as the World War drags on and thus delays - it seems endlessly - the fulfilment of the Home rule act passed in 1914.
Asquith and lloyd george make efforts in the right direction. Consultations are undertaken, conventions are organized, and the prisoners serving gaol sentences for the events of Easter 1916 are released in two waves (December 1916, June 1917).
But the mood of impatience in Ireland grows. Sinn Fein candidates begin to win some sensational by-election victories, and the party acquires an energetic new leader. Eamon de Valera, released from prison in June 1917, is elected to head Sinn Fein, replacing its founder Arthur griffith.
But the mood of impatience in Ireland grows. Sinn Fein candidates begin to win some sensational by-election victories, and the party acquires an energetic new leader. Eamon de Valera, released from prison in June 1917, is elected to head Sinn Fein, replacing its founder Arthur griffith.
Unrest increases in the spring of 1918 when the British government, desperately short of men on the western front, attempts to impose conscription on Ireland. Protests follow, and a heavy-handed response by the Dublin authorities aggravates the situation. The viceroy, claiming evidence of a treasonable plot between Sinn Fein and the Germans, arrests seventy-three Sinn Fein leaders, including Griffith and de Valera, during the course of one night in May.
No one believes in the German plot, and when evidence is produced it relates almost entirely to the already well- known Events of 1914-16. The resulting mood in Ireland is expressed in no uncertain terms in the general election of December 1918.
No one believes in the German plot, and when evidence is produced it relates almost entirely to the already well- known Events of 1914-16. The resulting mood in Ireland is expressed in no uncertain terms in the general election of December 1918.
Sinn Fein polls more than twice as many votes as the Nationalist party, and wins all but six of the seats previously held by the Nationalists. De Valera defeats the Nationalist leader (now John Dillon, after Redmond's death), and a new leading light of the republican movement, Michael Collins, is returned for West Cork.
The Sinn Fein members have no intention of taking their seats at Westminster. Instead, they assemble in the Dublin Mansion House in January 1919 as the Dáil Eireann (Assembly of Eire). Officers are elected: Griffith for Home Affairs, Collins for Finance, de Valera as President. De Valera is once again in gaol in Britain; this is as yet a national assembly only in name. But two years of violence will change that.
The Sinn Fein members have no intention of taking their seats at Westminster. Instead, they assemble in the Dublin Mansion House in January 1919 as the Dáil Eireann (Assembly of Eire). Officers are elected: Griffith for Home Affairs, Collins for Finance, de Valera as President. De Valera is once again in gaol in Britain; this is as yet a national assembly only in name. But two years of violence will change that.
Stumbling towards a settlement: AD 1920-1922
In 1920 Lloyd George secures the passage of a Government of Ireland Act which puts a new spin on the proposal passed into Law in 1914. The partition of Ireland is to be accepted as a necessary compromise, but both southern Ireland (twenty-six counties) and northern Ireland (the six counties of northeast Ulster) are now to have their own parliaments with limited devolved powers. Each parliament is to send twenty members to a joint Council of Ireland, which may at any time merge the two without requiring further legislation from Westminster.
The proposal meets neither Nationalist wishes for a united Ireland, nor the Unionist desire to remain an undifferentiated part of the United Kingdom. But both sides decide to take part in the elections held in May 1921.
The proposal meets neither Nationalist wishes for a united Ireland, nor the Unionist desire to remain an undifferentiated part of the United Kingdom. But both sides decide to take part in the elections held in May 1921.
In southern Ireland the old Nationalist party, under John dillon, refrains from opposing Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein therefore wins 124 of the 128 seats (the other four being reserved for the strongly Unionist Trinity College in Dublin). These 124 Sinn Feiners now assemble as a reconstituted Dáil. However this is not the southern parliament provided for in Lloyd George's act, and the IRA continues to commit terrorist acts in Sinn Fein's republican cause.
In northern Ireland forty Unionists and twelve Nationalists are elected. Although the Unionists object in principle to this parliament, it is formally opened by George V (with a powerful speech urging reconciliation) in June 1921.
In northern Ireland forty Unionists and twelve Nationalists are elected. Although the Unionists object in principle to this parliament, it is formally opened by George V (with a powerful speech urging reconciliation) in June 1921.
With this much achieved, Lloyd George offers a truce to the Sinn Fein leader, Eamon de Valera, and invites him to London with a view to working out a treaty.
The truce comes into effect on 11 July 1921. Violence in southern Ireland immediately ceases. De Valera sends representatives, led by Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins, to the peace talks in London. They agree to terms which fall short of the nationalist demand for a united Ireland, but which nevertheless offer independence to the twenty-six counties. As the Irish Free State they are to have Dominion status, in the formula pioneered by Canada. Republican sensibilities are assuaged by owing allegiance to the British crown only as head of 'the British Commonwealth of Nations'.
The truce comes into effect on 11 July 1921. Violence in southern Ireland immediately ceases. De Valera sends representatives, led by Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins, to the peace talks in London. They agree to terms which fall short of the nationalist demand for a united Ireland, but which nevertheless offer independence to the twenty-six counties. As the Irish Free State they are to have Dominion status, in the formula pioneered by Canada. Republican sensibilities are assuaged by owing allegiance to the British crown only as head of 'the British Commonwealth of Nations'.
The Anglo-Irish Treaty is ratified by the British parliament in December 1921, but it immediately runs into problems in Ireland. De Valera repudiates it, arguing that his envoys have agreed to terms beyond their brief. In January, after a bitter debate in the Dáil, Griffith and Collins carry the motion for their treaty by a narrow margin of 64 votes to 57. De Valera immediately resigns as president of the Dáil. Griffith is elected in his place.
In Northern ireland the new parliament is now functioning, and there has been talk of accommodation of some kind with the south. But civil war south of the border and sectarian riots in the north soon put an end to that. For the rest of the century, from 1922, the Republic of ireland and Northern ireland go their separate ways.
In Northern ireland the new parliament is now functioning, and there has been talk of accommodation of some kind with the south. But civil war south of the border and sectarian riots in the north soon put an end to that. For the rest of the century, from 1922, the Republic of ireland and Northern ireland go their separate ways.
Irish Free State & Eire
Election and civil war: AD 1922-1923
The split between the pro-treaty politicians (Collins, Griffith) and their anti-treaty opponents in the Dáil (led by de Valera) is reflected in the Irish republican army, which has until now been fighting as a unified force against the British.
There is clearly a danger of civil war in this split, but it remains only a lurking threat (in spite of many acts of robbery and violence by anti-treaty gangs of irregulars) until the first election for a Free State Dáil has been held in June 1922. Both sides hope to win their case by political power legitimized in the ballot box. In the event the pro-treaty faction led by Collins wins a resounding victory, with 94 of the 128 seats.
There is clearly a danger of civil war in this split, but it remains only a lurking threat (in spite of many acts of robbery and violence by anti-treaty gangs of irregulars) until the first election for a Free State Dáil has been held in June 1922. Both sides hope to win their case by political power legitimized in the ballot box. In the event the pro-treaty faction led by Collins wins a resounding victory, with 94 of the 128 seats.
With their cause slipping out of reach, anti-treaty republicans raise the stakes. In June they kidnap one of Collins's senior generals and hold him hostage in the Four Courts in Dublin. Collins responds decisively, bringing up artillery to bombard the building. There follow eight days of fighting in Dublin, in which some sixty people are killed and 300 hundred wounded. Much of O'Connell Street is again destroyed.
This is unmistakably civil war between the two halves of the old IRA. With greater fire power Collins's men - now the official Free State army - sweep their opponents out of Dublin. But the war spreads elsewhere .
This is unmistakably civil war between the two halves of the old IRA. With greater fire power Collins's men - now the official Free State army - sweep their opponents out of Dublin. But the war spreads elsewhere .
Victory is almost certain to go to the government, with active support coming from Britain, the Free State's partner in the treaty (Collins receives at least one shipment of 10,000 British rifles). But the Free State government receives a double blow in August 1922.
First the prime minister, Arthur Griffith, dies. Ten days later Collins himself, now commander-in-chief of the army, is killed in an ambush in county Cork. In this crisis two relatively unknown politicians, William Cosgrave and Kevin O'Higgins, emerge as leaders. They fulfil their new responsibilities with a surprising and effective ruthlessness.
First the prime minister, Arthur Griffith, dies. Ten days later Collins himself, now commander-in-chief of the army, is killed in an ambush in county Cork. In this crisis two relatively unknown politicians, William Cosgrave and Kevin O'Higgins, emerge as leaders. They fulfil their new responsibilities with a surprising and effective ruthlessness.
Emergency powers are secured from the pro-treaty majority in the Dáil and stringent measures are taken to suppress rebel acts of terrorism. Unauthorized possession of any firearm, even a pistol, is now punishable by death. In November the first executions take place, including that of the republican novelist Erskine Childers, found in possession of a revolver given him by Collins in more comradely times.
The pressure is kept up. In the six months to May 1923 the Free State government executes seventy-seven republicans by firing squad (more than three times the number of executions by Britain during the two and a half years of the Troubles), as well as holding some 13,000 political prisoners in detention.
The pressure is kept up. In the six months to May 1923 the Free State government executes seventy-seven republicans by firing squad (more than three times the number of executions by Britain during the two and a half years of the Troubles), as well as holding some 13,000 political prisoners in detention.
But the severity works. In May 1923 de Valera and the IRA high command instruct their members to lay down their arms. By August the situation is calm enough for new elections to be held. De Valera and his followers win 44 of the 128 seats. But they have no intention of sitting in a Dáil which they regard as a betrayal of their principles.
As a result Cosgrave is left with a clear majority. He and his ministers soon put in place a skilful programme of national reconstruction. Meanwhile they hope that the Boundary Commission, promised in conjunction with the treaty of 1921, will go some way towards resolving the thorny problem of northern Ireland.
As a result Cosgrave is left with a clear majority. He and his ministers soon put in place a skilful programme of national reconstruction. Meanwhile they hope that the Boundary Commission, promised in conjunction with the treaty of 1921, will go some way towards resolving the thorny problem of northern Ireland.
The Boundary Commission: AD 1924-1925
When Lloyd George persuaded Collins and Griffith to accept the Treaty of 1921, with its exclusion of the Six counties, he sweetened the pill with a promise of a Boundary Commission 'to deterimine in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants, so far as may be compatible with economic and geographic considerations, the boundaries between northern Ireland and the rest of Ireland'.
The logical implication of this is that nationalist Catholics living in large border regions of Tyrone and Fermanagh, and in rather smaller areas of Derry, Down and Armagh, will find themselves included in the Irish Free State. Similarly Protestants in slim border regions of Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan will join northern Ireland.
The logical implication of this is that nationalist Catholics living in large border regions of Tyrone and Fermanagh, and in rather smaller areas of Derry, Down and Armagh, will find themselves included in the Irish Free State. Similarly Protestants in slim border regions of Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan will join northern Ireland.
Michael Collins, in 1921, put much faith in this aspect of the treaty, believing that the Six counties so much reduced in size might not prove economically viable and thus would eventually merge within a unified Ireland. Cosgrave hopes for a similar benefit in 1924 when he presses the new British prime minister, Ramsay macdonald, to fulfil this part of the bargain.
By the same token the parliament in northern Ireland, which was not involved in the Treaty of 1921, is resolutely opposed to the idea of the commission. The prime minister, James Craig, even rejects the treaty's stipulation that he nominate one of the three members.
By the same token the parliament in northern Ireland, which was not involved in the Treaty of 1921, is resolutely opposed to the idea of the commission. The prime minister, James Craig, even rejects the treaty's stipulation that he nominate one of the three members.
The Irish Free State's representative is Eoin macneill, a venerable figure in Irish republican politics, but he proves feeble in pressing the southern Irish case. During 1925 senior Conservatives at Westminster declare that the treaty envisaged no more than consolidation of the boundaries of Northern ireland, adjusting them by only a few parishes here and there. By the end of the year, after the resignation of MacNeill, it becomes clear that this is indeed all that the Commission intends. Its report is neither published nor acted upon.
Cosgrave, in compensation, makes an advantageous financial treaty with Britain. But a large minority of Catholics is now stranded in Protestant Northern ireland, with ominous implications for the future.
Cosgrave, in compensation, makes an advantageous financial treaty with Britain. But a large minority of Catholics is now stranded in Protestant Northern ireland, with ominous implications for the future.
De Valera and Fianna Fáil: AD 1922-1932
In the years after the 1922 election de Valera remains leader of those republicans in the Dáil who reject the Treaty of 1921. He remains also the most powerful voice within the IRA (the anti-government side in the civil war).
He and his followers are returned to the Dáil with a sizable minority of seats in further elections in 1923 and 1927 but they still refuse to take part, disowning this assembly which has voted to accept a partition of the island. Their absence helps Cosgrave in the practical business of passing legislation (a great deal of which is done, to considerable effect, in the first years of the fledgling nation) but it also makes a mockery of a working democracy.
He and his followers are returned to the Dáil with a sizable minority of seats in further elections in 1923 and 1927 but they still refuse to take part, disowning this assembly which has voted to accept a partition of the island. Their absence helps Cosgrave in the practical business of passing legislation (a great deal of which is done, to considerable effect, in the first years of the fledgling nation) but it also makes a mockery of a working democracy.
Cosgrave brings the issue to a head after the election of 1927, prompted by a shocking assassination in July. His close ally Kevin O'Higgins is gunned down in the street as he walks to mass. Cosgrave responds with a Public Safety Act, classing as treason the membership of any revolutionary society. He also introduces a measure requiring candidates for the Dáil to swear in advance their willingness to take their seat if elected.
This sequence of events (plus the fact that he has won almost the largest number of seats in the recent election, 44 to Cosgrave's 47) persuades de Valera at last to bring his party in from the cold.
This sequence of events (plus the fact that he has won almost the largest number of seats in the recent election, 44 to Cosgrave's 47) persuades de Valera at last to bring his party in from the cold.
His faction has been known since 1925 as Fianna Fáil (Warriors of Ireland) and has been formally established as a political party in 1926 (once again the minority, unwilling to give up the armed struggle, continues as the IRA). De Valera now persuades his colleagues that the dreaded oath of allegiance, to the king as head of the Commonwealth, is so meaningless that it can be safely taken - though he himself pushes away the Bible while signing.
With Fianna Fáil members finally taking the seats in the Dáil that they have won in successive elections, Ireland's two main parties are in place. Cosgrave's is known at this time as Cumann na nGaedheal (Society of Gaels) but subsequently merges with other smaller parties, in 1933, and adopts the snappier Fine Gael (Race of the Gaels). Ireland can surely claim the most poetically named political parties anywhere in the world.
With Fianna Fáil members finally taking the seats in the Dáil that they have won in successive elections, Ireland's two main parties are in place. Cosgrave's is known at this time as Cumann na nGaedheal (Society of Gaels) but subsequently merges with other smaller parties, in 1933, and adopts the snappier Fine Gael (Race of the Gaels). Ireland can surely claim the most poetically named political parties anywhere in the world.
After a narrowly defeated attempt by Fianna Fail and various minority parties to unseat him in August 1927, Cosgrave calls this year's second election, in September. Support now falls away from the smaller parties, but Fianna Fail still trails in second place by a slim margin (57 seats to Cosgrave's 62).
This is reversed at the next election, in 1932, when de Valera wins enough seats to form a government. The undisputed leader of the nation during its Revolutionary period (1919-21) is now back at the helm of a free state. But it is still not a republic. Amending that detail is high on de Valera's agenda.
This is reversed at the next election, in 1932, when de Valera wins enough seats to form a government. The undisputed leader of the nation during its Revolutionary period (1919-21) is now back at the helm of a free state. But it is still not a republic. Amending that detail is high on de Valera's agenda.
Loosening the ties: AD 1932-1945
Although largely notional, the 'Dominion status' of the Irish Free State irks the passionate republican in de Valera. Moreover there is a popular cause in which he can usefully pick a quarrel with Britain, the former imperial power.
Since independence, many of southern Ireland's farmers have been paying annuities to the British government for the purchase of their land. In 1932 de Valera withholds these annuities from Britain, diverting them instead into the Irish exchequer. The result is an immediate trade war, started by the British imposition of tariffs on Irish farm produce.
Since independence, many of southern Ireland's farmers have been paying annuities to the British government for the purchase of their land. In 1932 de Valera withholds these annuities from Britain, diverting them instead into the Irish exchequer. The result is an immediate trade war, started by the British imposition of tariffs on Irish farm produce.
To win democratic support for his policy de Valera goes to the country again in January 1933 (the new state is displaying an almost addictive passion for elections). He is returned with an increased number of seats in the Dáil.
While the trade war continues, de Valera steadily dismantles the trappings of Ireland's link with Britain. The oath of allegiance is abolished. The governor general's duties are reduced to a minimum. Finally, in 1937, de Valera introduces a new constitution. This replaces the governor general with a president, elected by the Irish people. And it changes the name of the nation from the Irish Free State to Eire (Gaelic for Ireland).
While the trade war continues, de Valera steadily dismantles the trappings of Ireland's link with Britain. The oath of allegiance is abolished. The governor general's duties are reduced to a minimum. Finally, in 1937, de Valera introduces a new constitution. This replaces the governor general with a president, elected by the Irish people. And it changes the name of the nation from the Irish Free State to Eire (Gaelic for Ireland).
The new name has significance beyond its romantic Celtic resonance. Ireland implies the whole of Ireland, and the new constitution claims sovereignty over all thirty-two counties - though even de Valera admits that Six counties are at present beyond his reach.
In spite of vociferous protests from northern Ireland, the British prime minister, Neville Chamberlain, accepts the constitutional changes and invites de Valera to London for talks on wider issues. One, in particular, is of some urgency with the increasing likelihood of a European war. Under the 1921 treaty Britain retains the right to use certain naval bases until such time as the Irish Free State can defend itself.
In spite of vociferous protests from northern Ireland, the British prime minister, Neville Chamberlain, accepts the constitutional changes and invites de Valera to London for talks on wider issues. One, in particular, is of some urgency with the increasing likelihood of a European war. Under the 1921 treaty Britain retains the right to use certain naval bases until such time as the Irish Free State can defend itself.
De Valera now maintains that Eire is capable of doing so. Chamberlain, conscious perhaps of the difficulty of maintaining these bases in wartime in a hostile environment, agrees to relinquish them to Eire by the end of 1938. In this mood of reconciliation the trade war is also brought to an end.
De Valera declares in 1939 that Eire will be neutral in any forthcoming war, and therefore will not allow her ports to be used for an invasion of Britain. He is able to maintain this position through the six years of World War II (though a build up of US troops from 1942 is something of an anomaly). During the war de Valera manages to fit in two more elections, in 1943 and 1944, both of them leaving him in power.
De Valera declares in 1939 that Eire will be neutral in any forthcoming war, and therefore will not allow her ports to be used for an invasion of Britain. He is able to maintain this position through the six years of World War II (though a build up of US troops from 1942 is something of an anomaly). During the war de Valera manages to fit in two more elections, in 1943 and 1944, both of them leaving him in power.
Republic
Republic of Ireland: AD 1949
After sixteen years in power de Valera finally loses an election, in 1948. A man by now of great international prestige, he uses his leisure to tour the world proclaiming the need for full Irish independence and the end of partition.
In his absence the new prime minister (or taoiseach, the Gaelic word used in Ireland) steals his thunder, at least on the first part of this programme. John Costello is the leader of Fine Gael, the party of the 1921 treaty and traditionally more inclined to good relations with Britain. But now, in 1949, he introduces the Republic of Ireland bill - severing the last consitutional connection with the United Kingdom.
In his absence the new prime minister (or taoiseach, the Gaelic word used in Ireland) steals his thunder, at least on the first part of this programme. John Costello is the leader of Fine Gael, the party of the 1921 treaty and traditionally more inclined to good relations with Britain. But now, in 1949, he introduces the Republic of Ireland bill - severing the last consitutional connection with the United Kingdom.
The bill, which passes in the Dáil in December 1949, announces the withdrawal of the twenty-six counties from the Commonwealth and transfers to the Irish president all the functions previously performed by the British crown. To emphasize the point, the official name of the nation is no longer to be Eire. It becomes the Republic of Ireland.
A unanimous feeling of goodwill towards Ireland is evident in the response of the Commonwealth. The British government declares that Irish citizens will not be treated as foreigners in Britain, whether in border controls, employment opportunities or rights of residence. Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Canada confirm also that the Irish will continue to have the same rights as their own citizens.
A unanimous feeling of goodwill towards Ireland is evident in the response of the Commonwealth. The British government declares that Irish citizens will not be treated as foreigners in Britain, whether in border controls, employment opportunities or rights of residence. Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Canada confirm also that the Irish will continue to have the same rights as their own citizens.
De Valera expresses warm support, regretting only that the republic does not yet extend over the entire island. In this he puts his finger on the only fly in the otherwise surprisingly creamy ointment. The constitution of the new republic still retains the explicit Claim of 1937 to the six counties. The parliament in northern Ireland protests vigorously to Westminster, and the Attlee government responds with its own Ireland bill - confirming that no part of northern Ireland will ever be ceded without the consent of the parliament in Stormont.
This democratic statement causes outrage and large meetings of protest throughout southern Ireland, because of the implication that partition will be permanent.
This democratic statement causes outrage and large meetings of protest throughout southern Ireland, because of the implication that partition will be permanent.
After de Valera: from AD 1959
De Valera wins two more terms of office as taoiseach (1951-4, 1957-9), alternating with Costello, and he follows these with two successive seven-year terms as Ireland's president. When he finally retires to a nursing home, in 1973, he has been prominent in Irish republic politics for fifty-seven years - since his dramatic part in the Easter rising of 1916.
This son of a Spanish artist and an Irish mother, raised in a poor background in county Limerick, de Valera has been unmistakably the outstanding figure of 20th-century Irish politics. But the pattern after his departure remains much the same.
This son of a Spanish artist and an Irish mother, raised in a poor background in county Limerick, de Valera has been unmistakably the outstanding figure of 20th-century Irish politics. But the pattern after his departure remains much the same.
Governments continue to be formed mainly by Fianna Fáil and rather less often by Fine Gael (1973-77, 1981-87, 1994-97), each of them often with the coalition support of the Labour party.
Central issues in the republic remain the relationship with northern Ireland and the activities of the IRA, which engages spasmodically in bouts of cross-border terrorist activity against partition. The years 1956 to 1962 see the first major renewal of this activity, prompting de Valera to take stringent measures against this Splinter group from his own erstwhile revolutionary party. An internment camp is opened at Curragh in 1957 to hold more than 100 arrested activists, among them the entire national executive of Sinn fein.
Central issues in the republic remain the relationship with northern Ireland and the activities of the IRA, which engages spasmodically in bouts of cross-border terrorist activity against partition. The years 1956 to 1962 see the first major renewal of this activity, prompting de Valera to take stringent measures against this Splinter group from his own erstwhile revolutionary party. An internment camp is opened at Curragh in 1957 to hold more than 100 arrested activists, among them the entire national executive of Sinn fein.
Irish willingness to find a peaceful solution to this intransigent problem is seen in the 1965 meetings between prime ministers from each side of the border (Lemass and O'Neill) - and, in the final two decades of the century, in the close involvement of Irish leaders (Fitzgerald, Reynolds, Ahern) in successive stages of a prolonged peace process.
In the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 it is accepted that any change in the status of northern Ireland must depend on the will of the majority (in effect the very point which caused Outrage in 1949). And in a referendum held in 1998 a massive majority in the republic (94%) votes to drop the clause in the Irish constitution laying claim to the six counties.
In the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 it is accepted that any change in the status of northern Ireland must depend on the will of the majority (in effect the very point which caused Outrage in 1949). And in a referendum held in 1998 a massive majority in the republic (94%) votes to drop the clause in the Irish constitution laying claim to the six counties.
Economically the republic makes excellent use of its membership of the European Community, which it joins at the same time as Britain in 1973. By the 1990s Ireland is enjoying a greatly increased level of prosperity and a remarkably low inflation rate.
On the social front the issues of urgency derive from the power and influence of the Roman Catholic church. On three topics of passionate concern to ordinary families - divorce, contraception, abortion - there are continuing struggles between liberal and Catholic pressure groups.
On the social front the issues of urgency derive from the power and influence of the Roman Catholic church. On three topics of passionate concern to ordinary families - divorce, contraception, abortion - there are continuing struggles between liberal and Catholic pressure groups.
On abortion, a referendum in 1983 confirms the existing policy of absolute prohibition; nine years later another referendum relaxes the ban in certain circumstances. On the availability of contraception Catholic opposition finally crumbles in 1985. A referendum on divorce in 1985 confirms that it is not to be available in the republic; subsequently, after a referendum in 1995, the ban is lifted.
In one specific context the last years of the century confirm dramatically the changing mood of Irish society. In 1990 the nation's first female president is elected - Mary Robinson, an immensely popular and influential figure. She is followed in 1997 by another woman, a Catholic lawyer from northern Ireland, Mary McAleese.
In one specific context the last years of the century confirm dramatically the changing mood of Irish society. In 1990 the nation's first female president is elected - Mary Robinson, an immensely popular and influential figure. She is followed in 1997 by another woman, a Catholic lawyer from northern Ireland, Mary McAleese.
HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND
The Troubles: AD 1919-1921
From January 1919 to July 1921 Ireland is racked by the first of the two periods known colloquially as the Troubles. The events are more formally known as the War of Independence (in Ireland) and the Anglo-Irish War (in Britain).
The Volunteers, or armed supporters of Sinn Fein, are secretly informed at the end of January that they are now the army of Ireland, fighting on behalf of the newly established Dáil eireann, and that as such they are morally justified in killing enemies of the state - namely British policemen and soldiers. The war of independence is not declared, but in the minds of the combatants of one side it has begun. The Volunteers begin to call themselves the Irish Republican Army, or IRA.
The Volunteers, or armed supporters of Sinn Fein, are secretly informed at the end of January that they are now the army of Ireland, fighting on behalf of the newly established Dáil eireann, and that as such they are morally justified in killing enemies of the state - namely British policemen and soldiers. The war of independence is not declared, but in the minds of the combatants of one side it has begun. The Volunteers begin to call themselves the Irish Republican Army, or IRA.
It is inevitably a guerrilla war, and in the way of such wars the violence rapidly escalates. The authorities, confronted by terrorist acts, take drastic reprisals which are then seen as justifying the next retaliation.
The ruthlessly talented leader on the republican side of the war is Michael Collins, who is influential at every level. He is a leading member of the Dáil (a body declared illegal by Britain in September 1919), as well as being the most powerful figure within both the public Irish Republican Army and the secret Irish republican brotherhood. It is he who authorizes the assassination of targeted enemies. It is he who goes secretly to England in January 1919 and springs de Valera from Lincoln gaol with a duplicate key.
The ruthlessly talented leader on the republican side of the war is Michael Collins, who is influential at every level. He is a leading member of the Dáil (a body declared illegal by Britain in September 1919), as well as being the most powerful figure within both the public Irish Republican Army and the secret Irish republican brotherhood. It is he who authorizes the assassination of targeted enemies. It is he who goes secretly to England in January 1919 and springs de Valera from Lincoln gaol with a duplicate key.
The situation in Ireland is even more ugly from June 1920. When the Royal Irish Constabulary becomes depleted by the high number of Irish resignations, the British government ships in half-trained replacements from England. Their violent behaviour makes them notorious in Irish history under their nickname of the Black and Tans (the name of a hunt in Munster, applied to the newcomers because in the rush to send them into action they are issued with a motley blend of black police and khaki military uniforms).
Ambushes, reprisals, explosions and arson (British auxiliaries burn much of the centre of Cork in December 1920) become everyday events - to a mounting crescendo of outrage both in Britain and abroad.
Ambushes, reprisals, explosions and arson (British auxiliaries burn much of the centre of Cork in December 1920) become everyday events - to a mounting crescendo of outrage both in Britain and abroad.
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