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HISTORY OF THE INCAS
15th century AD
Cuzco and the Incas: 15th century AD
In the early 15th century the town of Cuzco is a small place, the headquarters of one of many competing tribes within the region which was once ruled from Tiwanaku. But in about 1438 a younger son of the ruler defeats the neighbouring Chanca people, usurps power, gives himself the resounding title Pachacuti ('transformer of the earth') and begins an astonishing process of military expansion. The policy is continued by his son, Topa Inca (also sometimes called Tupac Inca). By the end of two long reigns (about fifty-five years in all) the Cuzco dynasty, known as the Incas, are in loose control of an empire stretching from Quito in modern Ecuador to the Maule river in Chile - a distance of nearly 2500 miles.
Even allowing for the exaggerations of oral history transmitted within a ruling dynasty, this is a remarkable achievement. Pachacuti and Topa Inca, though hardly household names, are a double generation of conquerors comparable to Philip of macedon and his son Alexander.
The Inca expansion also shares some features with Genghis khan's programme of conquest. A few brutal military victories suffice to terrify other petty rulers into cooperation, and the success of the Incas derives partly from excellent roads and communications.
The Inca expansion also shares some features with Genghis khan's programme of conquest. A few brutal military victories suffice to terrify other petty rulers into cooperation, and the success of the Incas derives partly from excellent roads and communications.
Inca roads: 15th century AD
The Inca roads, the arteries of an empire, amount in all to more than 14,000 miles. They are not paved, in the way of Roman roads, nor are they even much flattened - for this empire contains no wheeled vehicle nor any Horses.
The Incas rule over massively varied terrain, made up of large areas of jungle, desert and rugged highlands. Their roads are in effect paths, kept clear in these difficult conditions. Suspension bridges span small ravines, enabling runners to hurry unimpeded with a message - or caravans of llamas to make slower but steady progress with bales of raw materials and precious fabrics.
The Incas rule over massively varied terrain, made up of large areas of jungle, desert and rugged highlands. Their roads are in effect paths, kept clear in these difficult conditions. Suspension bridges span small ravines, enabling runners to hurry unimpeded with a message - or caravans of llamas to make slower but steady progress with bales of raw materials and precious fabrics.
As in the ancient Persian empire and many others, runners are housed at short distances along the routes to provide a rapid relay service. But unlike similar routes in Asian empires, these roads transmit only verbal messages. The Incas have no writing. Their empire is administered like a vast game of Chinese whispers. No doubt most communication gets through in accurate form. But then perhaps long-distance messages in all early empires tend to be simple - instructions to fight, to return to base, to send stated amounts of men or materials, with sometimes news of a king's death or the identity of his successor.
Instead of writing, the local medium for recording simple information is an invention of the Andean civilizations - the quipu.
Instead of writing, the local medium for recording simple information is an invention of the Andean civilizations - the quipu.
The quipu: 7th - 16th century AD
The quipu (meaning 'knot') is a recording device used in Andean civilizations at least as far back as Wari in the 7th century, but it is associated in particular with the administration of the Inca empire. It consists of a length of rope from which numerous other threads are suspended, some of them with their own subsidiary offshoots. The length of each thread, its colour and the position of any knots in it can acquire specific meanings.
At its simplest this is an easy way of recording quantities of different goods. If a length or colour of thread is an agreed symbol for a given commodity, the knots (registering units, tens or hundreds) will give a quick account of the total.
At its simplest this is an easy way of recording quantities of different goods. If a length or colour of thread is an agreed symbol for a given commodity, the knots (registering units, tens or hundreds) will give a quick account of the total.
The quipu can also cope with more abstract themes. If threads or knots are allocated the role of days and months, a time scale is easily recorded. In this way simple historical records can be kept, such as the length of a king's reign since his accession.
What a quipu cannot do is substitute for writing. It can record how long a king has reigned but not what his name was. It may provide a messenger with a mnemonic, but it is the messenger who must remember the message. Without writing, the historical records of the quipu must be supplemented by witnesses from the past - as is touchingly admitted by a Peruvian Indian, attempting to write a 'proper history' of his people for the Spanish king.
What a quipu cannot do is substitute for writing. It can record how long a king has reigned but not what his name was. It may provide a messenger with a mnemonic, but it is the messenger who must remember the message. Without writing, the historical records of the quipu must be supplemented by witnesses from the past - as is touchingly admitted by a Peruvian Indian, attempting to write a 'proper history' of his people for the Spanish king.
The Inca state: AD 1428 - 1532
The structure of Inca society resembles a blueprint for a utopia, drawn up by a political theorist concerned for the physical well-being of the citizens but with no interest in the higher ideals of liberty or equality. Since most human beings share this sense of priorities, the people living under Inca rule seem to have been tolerably content.
Land is allotted by the state to peasant families, to till for their own needs. In return the state levies tax in the form of labour. Male heads of households take their turn working in fields reserved for the Inca administration, building roads and bridges, or serving in the army.
Land is allotted by the state to peasant families, to till for their own needs. In return the state levies tax in the form of labour. Male heads of households take their turn working in fields reserved for the Inca administration, building roads and bridges, or serving in the army.
Such a system of serf labour has been commonplace in many societies. Under the Incas it appears not to be done in an atmosphere of coercion. Indeed there is evidence that work is frequently accompanied by much festivity. Chicha, a beer made from maize, plays a major part in life.
Another Inca system familiar elsewhere is that of the mitmakuna. These are entire communities of families, moved often hundreds of miles to new regions where they will form a secure settlement, on Inca principles, in a region which might otherwise be unruly. This is similar to ancient Roman colonies.
Another Inca system familiar elsewhere is that of the mitmakuna. These are entire communities of families, moved often hundreds of miles to new regions where they will form a secure settlement, on Inca principles, in a region which might otherwise be unruly. This is similar to ancient Roman colonies.
More unusual are two groups known as mamakuna and yanakuna. These are women and men selected early in their lives to serve the state.
The mamakuna, more numerous than their male counterparts, live in segregated communities. The most beautiful among them may find a place in the emperor's harem; others may be given away by the state in dynastic marriages. But their main functions are religious and economic. They are priestesses in the state Cult of the sun; they are the spinners and weavers of the superb Inca textiles for which the society is famous; and they seem also to have been largely responsible for the brewing of the maize beer known as chicha.
The mamakuna, more numerous than their male counterparts, live in segregated communities. The most beautiful among them may find a place in the emperor's harem; others may be given away by the state in dynastic marriages. But their main functions are religious and economic. They are priestesses in the state Cult of the sun; they are the spinners and weavers of the superb Inca textiles for which the society is famous; and they seem also to have been largely responsible for the brewing of the maize beer known as chicha.
The male yanakuna serve the Inca rulers and other high members of the society in various ways, and unlike the mamakuna they seem to have been free to marry. Their main task is caring for the Inca's herds of animals. This gives the yanakuna a mobility and a network of links throughout Inca society, for most llamas belong to the state - and the llama, larger than the related alpaca, is the only beast of burden in Peru.
With the yanakuna on the roads and in the market places, and the mamakuna in temples and workshops in the cities, these lifetime servants of the state are like an elementary civil service. Their presence is as much a sign of Inca control in a region as the characteristic Inca architecture.
With the yanakuna on the roads and in the market places, and the mamakuna in temples and workshops in the cities, these lifetime servants of the state are like an elementary civil service. Their presence is as much a sign of Inca control in a region as the characteristic Inca architecture.
Inca architecture: 15th - 16th century AD
The Incas share with another much earlier civilization, that of Mycenaean Greece, a habit of building with massive blocks of masonry. But the precision of the Peruvian masons puts all others to shame. In their capital at Cuzco, or in subject cities where they wish to emphasize their presence, the Incas leave their trade mark in great slabs of stone, often of eccentric shape, fitting together with an uncanny and beautiful precision.
The modern city of Cuzco has grown upon and around its Inca origins. But Inca masonry can still be seen, underpropping churches or flanking streets, as a reminder of the great builders of the 15th century.
The modern city of Cuzco has grown upon and around its Inca origins. But Inca masonry can still be seen, underpropping churches or flanking streets, as a reminder of the great builders of the 15th century.
To the north of Cuzco, on the open hillside, are the three vast polygonal ramparts of Saqsawaman - a structure once believed to be an Inca fortress, but more probably a temple to the sun and an arena for state rituals.
Even more mysterious, in the jungle at the far end of the Urubamba valley, is the long-lost city of Machu Picchu. Its site is as dramatic as the story of its rediscovery (see discovery of Machu Picchu). High on an inaccessible peak in the jungle, the Inca masons somehow contrive to place their vast dressed stones, even in this remote spot, with wonderful exactitude.
Even more mysterious, in the jungle at the far end of the Urubamba valley, is the long-lost city of Machu Picchu. Its site is as dramatic as the story of its rediscovery (see discovery of Machu Picchu). High on an inaccessible peak in the jungle, the Inca masons somehow contrive to place their vast dressed stones, even in this remote spot, with wonderful exactitude.
Inca sun rituals: 15th - 16th century AD
Like some of the Roman emperors, the Incas identify themselves with the sun. And like the Japanese royal house, they even persuade their people that they are the Living descendants of the monarch of the heavens.
The most sacred idol in the Inca pantheon is a great golden disc representing the sun. It is known as Punchao, which means daylight or dawn. Great religious ceremonies, sometimes lasting several days, are based upon the pattern of dawn and dusk, day and night. The Inca, as the sun's representative on earth, presides over the rituals.
The most sacred idol in the Inca pantheon is a great golden disc representing the sun. It is known as Punchao, which means daylight or dawn. Great religious ceremonies, sometimes lasting several days, are based upon the pattern of dawn and dusk, day and night. The Inca, as the sun's representative on earth, presides over the rituals.
One of the most important festivals in the Inca year is the eight-day feast which celebrates the harvesting of the maize crop. Each day a ritual chanting begins with the rising of the sun, grows to a crescendo at noon, and diminishes to silence again by dusk. Burnt offerings of llamas and libations of maize beer are made to the sun god. The Inca and his court are in their most splendid robes, encrusted in gold and silver. The effigies of the Inca's ancestors are also present - with retinues of female attendants.
One of the last enactments of this colourful festival, so much more gentle than the contemporary Aztec sun rituals, is witnessed and described in 1535 by a young Spanish priest.
One of the last enactments of this colourful festival, so much more gentle than the contemporary Aztec sun rituals, is witnessed and described in 1535 by a young Spanish priest.
16th century
A glimpse of Inca treasure: AD 1527-1532
Two small Spanish ships, commanded by Bartolomé Ruiz, sail southwards in the Pacific in 1527 towards Peru. Their journey brings them across the equator (they are the first Europeans to cross the line in this ocean). The Spaniards are surprised to come across an ocean-going raft, made of balsa wood and fitted with cotton sails, with a crew of twenty.
When they seize the raft, its rich contents also astonish them (the ornaments and textiles are described later in glowing terms to the Spanish king). The people who sent out this trading vessel are clearly worth meeting. Ruiz takes the precaution of keeping three of the crew to be trained as interpreters.
When they seize the raft, its rich contents also astonish them (the ornaments and textiles are described later in glowing terms to the Spanish king). The people who sent out this trading vessel are clearly worth meeting. Ruiz takes the precaution of keeping three of the crew to be trained as interpreters.
This chance encounter is the first contact between Europeans and the fabulously wealthy empire of the Incas. And the glimpse of Inca treasure can only inflame Spanish greed.
The leader of the expedition (not aboard on the reconnaissance by Ruiz) is Francisco Pizarro. The winter of 1527 is spent on a swampy uninhabited island. The conditions are so appalling that by the spring Pizarro is left with only thirteen companions. They sail on southwards. At Tumbes they reach their first Inca city. Two of Pizarro's men go ashore. Their reports confirm that this is indeed a rich and civilized society.
The leader of the expedition (not aboard on the reconnaissance by Ruiz) is Francisco Pizarro. The winter of 1527 is spent on a swampy uninhabited island. The conditions are so appalling that by the spring Pizarro is left with only thirteen companions. They sail on southwards. At Tumbes they reach their first Inca city. Two of Pizarro's men go ashore. Their reports confirm that this is indeed a rich and civilized society.
It takes Pizarro eighteen months, mainly spent at the royal court in Spain, to drum up sufficient support for a voyage of conquest. The great Cortes happens to be at the Spanish court at the same time. He offers personal encouragement, and the example of his own astonishing achievement in Mexico inspires ambitious young Spaniards to join the new cause.
Ennobled, and granted the status of governor of a notional Spanish province along the Peruvian coast, Pizarro leaves Spain with a small fleet in January 1530. At the end of the year, in December, his expedition sails south from Panama.
Ennobled, and granted the status of governor of a notional Spanish province along the Peruvian coast, Pizarro leaves Spain with a small fleet in January 1530. At the end of the year, in December, his expedition sails south from Panama.
Unlike the speedy advance of Cortes into Mexico in 1519, Pizarro's progress south is slow. For some reason he chooses to march his men along much of the difficult coast of Ecuador, causing great hardship and delay. Nearly two years have passed by the time he establishes a small Spanish settlement, which he calls San Miguel, near Piura in the coastal plain of northern Peru.
From here, at last, in September 1532, he marches out to attack the vast empire of the Incas. His army by now consists of 62 horsemen and 106 foot soldiers.
From here, at last, in September 1532, he marches out to attack the vast empire of the Incas. His army by now consists of 62 horsemen and 106 foot soldiers.
Unlike the speedy advance of Cortes into Mexico in 1519, Pizarro's progress south is slow through the tropical terrain of Ecuador. Nearly two years have passed by the time he establishes a small Spanish settlement, which he calls San Miguel, near Piura in the coastal plain of northern Peru.
From here at last, in September 1532, he marches out to attack the vast empire of the Incas. His army by now consists of 62 horsemen and 106 foot soldiers. Yet within ten months, in one of history's most dramatic and gruesome stories, Pizarro and his small band of adventurers massacre the Inca court, seize untold wealth in gold, and finally murder Cortes to rule in his place.
From here at last, in September 1532, he marches out to attack the vast empire of the Incas. His army by now consists of 62 horsemen and 106 foot soldiers. Yet within ten months, in one of history's most dramatic and gruesome stories, Pizarro and his small band of adventurers massacre the Inca court, seize untold wealth in gold, and finally murder Cortes to rule in his place.
Atahualpa: AD 1532
As the Spaniards march into the Inca empire, in 1532, they are helped by two fortunate circumstances. One is that the empire is in a state of turmoil caused by civil war between two brothers, sons of an Inca ruler who has died about five years previously. Victory has recently gone to Atahualpa, the brother who controls the northern half of the empire. But there is still much support around the Inca capital, Cuzco, for his rival. In these circumstances the advance of the small band of strangers is dealt with less forcefully than might otherwise have been the case.
The other piece of good fortune is that Atahualpa is encamped in the north, at Cajamarca, nor far from the Spaniards' starting point.
The other piece of good fortune is that Atahualpa is encamped in the north, at Cajamarca, nor far from the Spaniards' starting point.
After climbing into the Andes to a height of about 13,500 feet, Pizarro and his small party of conquistadors enter the valley of Cajamarca in November. Atahualpa's army is encamped in bright tents beyond the city. The splendour of the site both impresses and alarms the intruders. But there is nowhere to go but forward. They enter the town of Cajamarca, unopposed, and then send a small party forward to present themselves to the Inca.
Without dismounting, they ride into the courtyard where he is relaxing with his women. This is like parking one's tanks on someone's lawn, for horses - together with guns - are the Spaniards' main strength.
Without dismounting, they ride into the courtyard where he is relaxing with his women. This is like parking one's tanks on someone's lawn, for horses - together with guns - are the Spaniards' main strength.
Atahualpa at first shows little reaction, except perhaps disdain. But the horses interest him. They are the first that he or his companions have seen. The Spaniards accept from the women the local drink, chicha (with some hesitation, for fear of poison). Then one of the conquistadors gives an equestrian display on a particularly lively horse.
Atahualpa agrees to visit Pizarro in Cajamarca the following day.
Atahualpa agrees to visit Pizarro in Cajamarca the following day.
The massacre of Cajamarca: AD 1532
The Spaniards, aware of their extreme vulnerability, are uncertain how to receive the Inca. They take the precaution of concealing their limited forces - cavalry, infantry, artillery - in the arcades around the square. A prearranged signal to attack will be used only if the situation demands it.
When Atahualpa enters Cajamarca, on a magnificent litter carried high by his nobles, the square appears to be empty. With only a narrow entrance, the space fills up slowly with his followers, lightly armed. Then a single Spaniard walks towards the Inca - Pizarro's priest.
When Atahualpa enters Cajamarca, on a magnificent litter carried high by his nobles, the square appears to be empty. With only a narrow entrance, the space fills up slowly with his followers, lightly armed. Then a single Spaniard walks towards the Inca - Pizarro's priest.
The priest solemnly begins explaining to Atahualpa the truth of the Christian religion (a requirement in the Spanish empire, when confronting pagan people, if there is a danger of bloodshed). Atahualpa demands to see the prayer book which the priest is holding. He leafs through it, then flings it to the ground.
The outraged priest turns back, shouting for vengeance. Pizarro gives the prearranged signal for the ambush.
The outraged priest turns back, shouting for vengeance. Pizarro gives the prearranged signal for the ambush.
The din of terrifying artillery and gunfire, the onslaught of unfamiliar cavalry and the ferocity of Spaniards in mortal danger, all combine to throw the Indians into desperate panic. Trapped by the narrow entrance to the square, they are defenceless targets for butchery. Reports state that the killing lasts two hours. The Indian dead are numbered in thousands rather than hundreds, with the Spanish horsemen carrying the carnage into the streets and open spaces outside the square.
The only wound suffered by any Spaniard that day is a deep cut on Pizarro's hand, received when he defends Atahualpa from a sword blow. He needs the Inca alive.
The only wound suffered by any Spaniard that day is a deep cut on Pizarro's hand, received when he defends Atahualpa from a sword blow. He needs the Inca alive.
Pizarro and Atahualpa: AD 1532
Pizarro is well aware of how Cortes controlled Mexico through a captive ruler. He now sets about doing the same in Peru, having repeated the almost impossible feat of getting the emperor into his power (there is evidence that Atahualpa had the same intention that afternoon, expecting to use his vastly greater number of men to seize Pizarro and his followers). Like Cortes, he ensures that the emperor is treated with every respect - essential if his subjects are still to revere him and obey his orders.
But Pizarro makes a bargain beyond anything Cortes had dreamed of. The Inca offers a ransom for his freedom - a room of gold and silver, which becomes one of the enduring images of the Spanish conquest.
But Pizarro makes a bargain beyond anything Cortes had dreamed of. The Inca offers a ransom for his freedom - a room of gold and silver, which becomes one of the enduring images of the Spanish conquest.
The room of gold: AD 1532-1533
The room proposed for the emperor's ransom measures 22 feet by 18 feet, and is about 15 feet high. It is to be filled, within two months, to half its height in gold; during the same period the entire room will be filled twice over with silver.
The filling of the room provides Pizarro with a welcome breathing space, as the precious metals are stripped from palaces and temples all over the Inca empire and are brought to Cajamarca on caravans of llamas. Pizarro needs time for Spanish reinforcements to enlarge his tiny army. They arrive in April 1533, under Diego de Almagro, roughly doubling Pizarro's strength.
The filling of the room provides Pizarro with a welcome breathing space, as the precious metals are stripped from palaces and temples all over the Inca empire and are brought to Cajamarca on caravans of llamas. Pizarro needs time for Spanish reinforcements to enlarge his tiny army. They arrive in April 1533, under Diego de Almagro, roughly doubling Pizarro's strength.
In March 1533 Pizarro gives orders for the hoard of precious metals to be melted down. Nine furnaces are kept at work for three months. More than eleven tons of gold and twice as much silver, much of it in the form of artefacts of great beauty, are fed into these voracious cauldrons of Spanish greed.
The king's share (one fifth) goes off to him in Spain, and Pizarro's brave conquistadors now receive their reward - 90 pounds of gold and 180 pounds of silver for each horseman, half that amount for every foot soldier.
The king's share (one fifth) goes off to him in Spain, and Pizarro's brave conquistadors now receive their reward - 90 pounds of gold and 180 pounds of silver for each horseman, half that amount for every foot soldier.
The room of gold and silver has been filled and emptied, but Atahualpa is still a prisoner. The Spaniards, probably never intending to keep their word, are uncertain what do with him. A rumour grows that he has given orders for a great army to advance from the south to rescue him. It is false, but it provides an excuse for his very expedient death.
In July 1533 Atahualpa is accused of treason, is rapidly convicted, and is tied to a stake at the centre of the square in Cajamarca where his followers were massacred. He is sentenced to death by burning. The priest persuades him at the last moment to accept Christianity, so he is granted the mercy of being garrotted.
In July 1533 Atahualpa is accused of treason, is rapidly convicted, and is tied to a stake at the centre of the square in Cajamarca where his followers were massacred. He is sentenced to death by burning. The priest persuades him at the last moment to accept Christianity, so he is granted the mercy of being garrotted.
A brutal end: AD 1521-1533
The destruction by the Spaniards of the great Inca empire in Peru, twelve years after the similar fate of the Aztecs, brings to an effective end nearly three millennia of indigenous civilization in America - though the Maya, hard to suppress in the Yucatan jungle, preserve for a while their own ways.
The Spanish destroy the precious artefacts of these cultures with an unprecedented thoroughness - mainly in their lust for gold and silver, but sometimes (as with Mayan manuscripts) as an ideological assault on paganism. The result is that there is relatively little to show now for these rich cultures and their highly skilled crafts.
The Spanish destroy the precious artefacts of these cultures with an unprecedented thoroughness - mainly in their lust for gold and silver, but sometimes (as with Mayan manuscripts) as an ideological assault on paganism. The result is that there is relatively little to show now for these rich cultures and their highly skilled crafts.
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