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HISTORY OF NORTHERN IRELAND
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Civil unrest
Ulster volunteers and Irish volunteers: AD 1911-1914
Orangemen, the most Protestant region of Ireland since the 17th century, is where the union with Britain has its most passionate supporters. And from 1910 the Unionist members of parliament have a brilliant and ruthless leader in the person of Edward Carson.
In September 1911, when it is known that a Home Rule bill is in the pipeline (but six months before it is placed before parliament), Carson gives warning of what is to come when he addresses a crowd of 50,000 Ireland and Unionists outside Belfast. He tells them that the morning after Home Rule is granted to Ireland, they must be ready to administer and defend their own 'Protestant Province of Orangemen'.
In September 1911, when it is known that a Home Rule bill is in the pipeline (but six months before it is placed before parliament), Carson gives warning of what is to come when he addresses a crowd of 50,000 Ireland and Unionists outside Belfast. He tells them that the morning after Home Rule is granted to Ireland, they must be ready to administer and defend their own 'Protestant Province of Orangemen'.
That winter Orangemen is full of Protestants drilling (a licence to drill can be acquired from any Justice of the Peace, as long as the intention is to defend the United Kingdom's constitution). In the following spring Carson, with at his side the new leader of the Conservative party, Andrew Bonar Law, reviews another gathering of Orangemen volunteers outside Belfast. It shows every sign of being a military parade.
100,000 men march in columns past a saluting base above which flies a gigantic union jack. This event is held on 9 April 1912, two days before Asquith's Home Rule bill is presented to the house of commons.
100,000 men march in columns past a saluting base above which flies a gigantic union jack. This event is held on 9 April 1912, two days before Asquith's Home Rule bill is presented to the house of commons.
The final gesture of unionist solidarity during 1912 is the Solemn League and Covenant, a document in the militant Ulster which is signed from September 28 in the Belfast town hall. Hundreds of yards of desks enable more than 500 people to sign simultaneously. Eventually almost half a million men and women do so, committing themselves to disobey any future Home Rule government.
Finally, in January 1913, with the Home Rule bill now making its way through the house of commons, the unionists take an openly military stance. They decide to raise an Orangemen Volunteer Force of 100,000 men aged between seventeen and sixty-five. Dummy wooden rifles now appear in the drill parades held in Orange halls.
Finally, in January 1913, with the Home Rule bill now making its way through the house of commons, the unionists take an openly military stance. They decide to raise an Orangemen Volunteer Force of 100,000 men aged between seventeen and sixty-five. Dummy wooden rifles now appear in the drill parades held in Orange halls.
These developments prompt a similar response on the nationalist side. In November 1913 a body calling itself the Irish National Volunteers is formed in Dublin and begins its own programme of recruitment and drilling. Six months later it too claims 100,000 members.
By now the wooden rifles are giving way to real ones. In April 1914 Carson's organization succeeds in landing at Larne more than 24,000 rifles and three million rounds of ammunition purchased in Germany. In July a much smaller shipment of arms, also from Germany, comes ashore in Howth for the Irish volunteers (resulting on this occasion in a clash with the military, on the Dublin quays, and several civilian casualties).
By now the wooden rifles are giving way to real ones. In April 1914 Carson's organization succeeds in landing at Larne more than 24,000 rifles and three million rounds of ammunition purchased in Germany. In July a much smaller shipment of arms, also from Germany, comes ashore in Howth for the Irish volunteers (resulting on this occasion in a clash with the military, on the Dublin quays, and several civilian casualties).
The prospect of civil disorder is made worse by evidence that the British government will be powerless to cope with it. There is much discussion whether the British army should be ordered to quell Protestant resistance in Orangemen, and if so whether the order would be obeyed. In 1914 a commanding officer foolishly asks the cavalry regiment stationed on the Curragh in Dublin whether they would accept such an order or prefer to be dismissed from the army. The officers reply they would choose dismissal.
The so-called Curragh mutiny suggests that little can prevent the Ireland from wrecking Home Rule. But greater issues postpone the crisis. Two days after the contraband weapons are landed in Dublin for the Irish volunteers, Austria declares war on Serbia.
The so-called Curragh mutiny suggests that little can prevent the Ireland from wrecking Home Rule. But greater issues postpone the crisis. Two days after the contraband weapons are landed in Dublin for the Irish volunteers, Austria declares war on Serbia.
Patriotism and plots: AD 1914
The immediate effect of Britain's entry into World War I, on 4 August 1914, is two-edged. On the surface it defuses the recent tensions over independence. But there is a minority in Ireland which refuses to postpone the struggle. The new crisis has the effect of driving their activities underground.
In Westminster the leader of the Home Rule faction, John Redmond, immediately suggests that the Irish and Ulster volunteers should collaborate in defending Ireland's coasts, enabling British troops to be withdrawn for the war effort. In subsequent weeks he goes further, urging Ireland's gallant young men to play a full role in Britain's effort 'in defence of the highest principles of religion and morality and right'.
In Westminster the leader of the Home Rule faction, John Redmond, immediately suggests that the Irish and Ulster volunteers should collaborate in defending Ireland's coasts, enabling British troops to be withdrawn for the war effort. In subsequent weeks he goes further, urging Ireland's gallant young men to play a full role in Britain's effort 'in defence of the highest principles of religion and morality and right'.
In making these patriotic commitments, Redmond knows that the onset of war has delivered him the prize of Home Rule for most of Ireland. He has an agreement with Asquith that a Home Rule Act will be passed (excluding, for the moment at least, Ulster). An accompanying act will at the same time delay implementation for a year or until the end of the war, whichever is shorter.
Both acts receive the royal assent, on September 18, though only after Carson and the entire Conservative opposition have walked out of the chamber of the house of commons in protest.
Both acts receive the royal assent, on September 18, though only after Carson and the entire Conservative opposition have walked out of the chamber of the house of commons in protest.
The people of Ireland respond to Redmond's show of support for Britain. As many as 200,000 young men, an extremely high proportion of the population, eventually volunteer for service in the British army. But among a hard-line minority the crisis of Britain's war suggests other possibilities.
Some thirteen thousand members of the Irish national volunteers (or about 8% of the total) reject Redmond's alliance with Britain, committing themselves to an uninterrupted struggle for independence. Becoming known as the Irish Volunteers, or sometimes Sinn fein Volunteers, they join forces with the tiny but militant Irish republican brotherhood.
Some thirteen thousand members of the Irish national volunteers (or about 8% of the total) reject Redmond's alliance with Britain, committing themselves to an uninterrupted struggle for independence. Becoming known as the Irish Volunteers, or sometimes Sinn fein Volunteers, they join forces with the tiny but militant Irish republican brotherhood.
Stumbling towards a settlement: AD 1920-1922
In 1920 Lloyd George secures the passage of a Government of Ireland Act which puts a new spin on the proposal passed into Law in 1914. The partition of Ireland is to be accepted as a necessary compromise, but both southern Ireland (twenty-six counties) and northern Ireland (the six counties of northeast Ulster) are now to have their own parliaments with limited devolved powers. Each parliament is to send twenty members to a joint Council of Ireland, which may at any time merge the two without requiring further legislation from Westminster.
The proposal meets neither Nationalist wishes for a united Ireland, nor the Unionist desire to remain an undifferentiated part of the United Kingdom. But both sides decide to take part in the elections held in May 1921.
The proposal meets neither Nationalist wishes for a united Ireland, nor the Unionist desire to remain an undifferentiated part of the United Kingdom. But both sides decide to take part in the elections held in May 1921.
In southern Ireland the old Nationalist party, under John dillon, refrains from opposing Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein therefore wins 124 of the 128 seats (the other four being reserved for the strongly Unionist Trinity College in Dublin). These 124 Sinn Feiners now assemble as a reconstituted Dáil. However this is not the southern parliament provided for in Lloyd George's act, and the IRA continues to commit terrorist acts in Sinn Fein's republican cause.
In northern Ireland forty Unionists and twelve Nationalists are elected. Although the Unionists object in principle to this parliament, it is formally opened by George V (with a powerful speech urging reconciliation) in June 1921.
In northern Ireland forty Unionists and twelve Nationalists are elected. Although the Unionists object in principle to this parliament, it is formally opened by George V (with a powerful speech urging reconciliation) in June 1921.
With this much achieved, Lloyd George offers a truce to the Sinn Fein leader, Eamon de Valera, and invites him to London with a view to working out a treaty.
The truce comes into effect on 11 July 1921. Violence in southern Ireland immediately ceases. De Valera sends representatives, led by Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins, to the peace talks in London. They agree to terms which fall short of the nationalist demand for a united Ireland, but which nevertheless offer independence to the twenty-six counties. As the Irish Free State they are to have Dominion status, in the formula pioneered by Canada. Republican sensibilities are assuaged by owing allegiance to the British crown only as head of 'the British Commonwealth of Nations'.
The truce comes into effect on 11 July 1921. Violence in southern Ireland immediately ceases. De Valera sends representatives, led by Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins, to the peace talks in London. They agree to terms which fall short of the nationalist demand for a united Ireland, but which nevertheless offer independence to the twenty-six counties. As the Irish Free State they are to have Dominion status, in the formula pioneered by Canada. Republican sensibilities are assuaged by owing allegiance to the British crown only as head of 'the British Commonwealth of Nations'.
The Anglo-Irish Treaty is ratified by the British parliament in December 1921, but it immediately runs into problems in Ireland. De Valera repudiates it, arguing that his envoys have agreed to terms beyond their brief. In January, after a bitter debate in the Dáil, Griffith and Collins carry the motion for their treaty by a narrow margin of 64 votes to 57. De Valera immediately resigns as president of the Dáil. Griffith is elected in his place.
In Northern ireland the new parliament is now functioning, and there has been talk of accommodation of some kind with the south. But civil war south of the border and sectarian riots in the north soon put an end to that. For the rest of the century, from 1922, the Republic of ireland and Northern ireland go their separate ways.
In Northern ireland the new parliament is now functioning, and there has been talk of accommodation of some kind with the south. But civil war south of the border and sectarian riots in the north soon put an end to that. For the rest of the century, from 1922, the Republic of ireland and Northern ireland go their separate ways.
Stormont
The Craigavon years: AD 1921-1940
The leader of the Unionists in Ulster in 1921 is James Craig, who has been Carson's loyal and able assistant in the political struggles of the previous ten years. After the war Carson devotes himself to his legal career, as a lord of appeal in the house of lords, so Craig is the natural choice for prime minister in Stormont, the new parliament of northern Ireland.
He has a large majority, with forty Unionist seats and only twelve on the nationalist side (six representing Dillon's Nationalist party and six Sinn Fein). This already commanding position is made absolute when the nationalist side refuse to take their seats. They also boycott the northern Irish police force, now to be known as the Royal Ulster Constabulary.
He has a large majority, with forty Unionist seats and only twelve on the nationalist side (six representing Dillon's Nationalist party and six Sinn Fein). This already commanding position is made absolute when the nationalist side refuse to take their seats. They also boycott the northern Irish police force, now to be known as the Royal Ulster Constabulary.
The nationalists are pinning their hopes on the Boundary Commission, promised by Lloyd George and set up in 1924 by Ramsay MacDonald. They assume it will result in their main areas of strength, adjacent to the border but on the wrong side, becoming part of the new Irish Free State. However the Commission turns out to be ineffectual, merely serving to reinforce the status quo.
The result is that northern Ireland settles into a rigid pattern, symbolized by the long term of office of James Craig. He serves as Unionist prime minister in an unboken spell of nineteen years (from 1927 as Viscount Craigavon) until his death in 1940.
The result is that northern Ireland settles into a rigid pattern, symbolized by the long term of office of James Craig. He serves as Unionist prime minister in an unboken spell of nineteen years (from 1927 as Viscount Craigavon) until his death in 1940.
A sense of unchanging rigidity in northern Ireland derives from the impression (hard to avoid in the circumstances) that the Unionists are the natural ruling party. In the inevitable nature of power, this results in discrimination - much of it real, and even more perceived - against the large nationalist minority within the established borders.
There are many extra factors to add to the discontent which would be inherent anywhere in the world in this scenario. One is that the ruling Unionists originate, centuries back, from England and Scotland - nations which have combined in history to persecute Ireland and to seize Irish land.
There are many extra factors to add to the discontent which would be inherent anywhere in the world in this scenario. One is that the ruling Unionists originate, centuries back, from England and Scotland - nations which have combined in history to persecute Ireland and to seize Irish land.
Another, even more corrosive, is the fact that the communities are divided along sectarian lines - Protestant majority, Catholic minority. Religion, historically the most divisive form of idealism, can be relied on to accentuate any element of hostility. Finally, though this applies only to relatively few among the minority, there seems to be a more desirable nation just over the border - and one which, under de Valera's new constitution of 1937, specifically includes the six northern counties within Eire.
However on this particular issue, for most Catholics, the greater economic strength of northern Ireland makes union with Eire unappealing. The industrial clout of Belfast is particularly evident in the years of World War II.
However on this particular issue, for most Catholics, the greater economic strength of northern Ireland makes union with Eire unappealing. The industrial clout of Belfast is particularly evident in the years of World War II.
World War II: AD 1939-1945
Belfast is of enormous importance to Britain during the war, for both strategic and industrial reasons. Strategically its port compensates for the neutrality of Eire and the recent loss of British rights in the deep water harbours of southern Ireland. A naval base in Belfast means that both sides of the Irish Sea are protected, enabling the vital estuaries of the Mersey and the Clyde to function without danger of attack from the sea.
Belfast itself is in their league for its shipbuilding potential. During the war its yards (and in particular Harland and Wolff) produce 123 merchant ships and 140 warships, including six aircraft carriers and three cruisers.
Belfast itself is in their league for its shipbuilding potential. During the war its yards (and in particular Harland and Wolff) produce 123 merchant ships and 140 warships, including six aircraft carriers and three cruisers.
The Brookeborough years: AD 1943-1963
Another long unbroken spell, reinforcing the sense of an inflexible Unionist grip on northern Ireland, begins in 1943 when the mantle of prime minister passes to Basil Brooke (from 1952 Viscount Brookeborough). He outdoes by a year even the previous Craigavon record, remaining in power for an unbroken twenty years until his resignation in 1963.
Known from his speeches for an anti-Catholic attitude, and deeply distrustful of Ulster's minority, Brookeborough's prejudices are reinforced between 1956 and 1962 by the first sustained campaign of IRA terrorist violence north of the border.
Known from his speeches for an anti-Catholic attitude, and deeply distrustful of Ulster's minority, Brookeborough's prejudices are reinforced between 1956 and 1962 by the first sustained campaign of IRA terrorist violence north of the border.
The border itself has in 1949 received reassuring support from Westminster. In that year Eire finally severs its last link with the British crown and Commonwealth. The Attlee government, needing to tidy up the loose ends, introduces an Ireland bill. It declares roundly in one of its clauses that 'in no event will Northern Ireland or any part thereof cease to be part of His Majesty's Dominions and of the United Kingdom without the consent of the Parliament of Northern Ireland'.
In the event it is the parliament itself which proves vulnerable after Brookeborough's departure.
In the event it is the parliament itself which proves vulnerable after Brookeborough's departure.
Conciliation and confrontation: AD 1963-1972
Brookeborough's resignation in 1963 is partly the result of his refusal to listen to younger Unionists who argue for a more inclusive attitude to the Catholic minority. He is followed in office by Terence O'Neill, the first prime minister of northern Ireland to distance himself from the triumphalist rituals and marches of the Orange Order.
O'Neill is himself criticized by liberals for being insensitive to Catholic grievances, but it is a measure of how much ground needs to be made up that he causes something of a sensation by visiting a Catholic school. More significant, and equally startling, are his two unprecedented meetings in 1965 with his opposite number in the republic of Ireland, Sean Lemass.
O'Neill is himself criticized by liberals for being insensitive to Catholic grievances, but it is a measure of how much ground needs to be made up that he causes something of a sensation by visiting a Catholic school. More significant, and equally startling, are his two unprecedented meetings in 1965 with his opposite number in the republic of Ireland, Sean Lemass.
Meanwhile contemporary pressures are forcing the pace faster than the Unionist party can cope with. This is the era of the civil rights movement in the USA. Following this example, the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association stages a march in October 1968 to publicize discrimination against Catholics in local housing.
The march takes place in Londonderry (or Derry to the Catholics, for in Ulster even a place name can be controversial). The authorities, believing that the route will prove provocative to Protestants, instruct the police to halt the march. The Royal Ulster Constabulary do so with baton attacks and water cannon, seen world-wide on television. Ireland is on the brink of its second prolonged bout of Troubles.
The march takes place in Londonderry (or Derry to the Catholics, for in Ulster even a place name can be controversial). The authorities, believing that the route will prove provocative to Protestants, instruct the police to halt the march. The Royal Ulster Constabulary do so with baton attacks and water cannon, seen world-wide on television. Ireland is on the brink of its second prolonged bout of Troubles.
In November reforms are rushed through by the northern Irish parliament at Stormont to meet some of the campaigners' demands, but they are too late to stem a rising tide of sectarian confrontation. Another civil rights march, in January 1969, is ambushed and attacked by 200 Protestants at Burntollet bridge south of Derry.
These events provoke the reappearance of the IRA in the form of the Provisional IRA (or Provisionals), a splinter group advocating the renewed use of terrorism. Their activities in turn prompt the formation of Protestant (or 'Loyalist') paramilitary groups. And the acts of violence by both sides cause the British government to send troops to the province to maintain order.
These events provoke the reappearance of the IRA in the form of the Provisional IRA (or Provisionals), a splinter group advocating the renewed use of terrorism. Their activities in turn prompt the formation of Protestant (or 'Loyalist') paramilitary groups. And the acts of violence by both sides cause the British government to send troops to the province to maintain order.
It proves an almost impossible task, as riots and terrorism flare up spasmodically in the two main cities, Belfast and Derry, over the next two years. The defining moment comes in Derry on 30 January 1972, subsequently known as Bloody Sunday, when British paratroops open fire on a banned civil rights march, killing thirteen people.
The British government decides now that Stormont, the northern Irish parliament which has run the province for just over half a century, has lost control. The parliament is suspended indefinitely. Direct rule is imposed, under a secretary of state for Northern Ireland based in Westminster. An impasse has been reached which it takes the rest of the century (and perhaps more) to resolve.
The British government decides now that Stormont, the northern Irish parliament which has run the province for just over half a century, has lost control. The parliament is suspended indefinitely. Direct rule is imposed, under a secretary of state for Northern Ireland based in Westminster. An impasse has been reached which it takes the rest of the century (and perhaps more) to resolve.
Direct rule
A second time of Troubles: from AD 1970
Sectarian violence is endemic in northern Ireland from the start of the 1970s. In 1972, the worst year of all, there are 467 deaths, 321 of them civilians. By 1992 the death toll in this second major bout of Troubles passes the 3000 mark, including more than 2000 civilians.
Among the continuous attempts to find a solution, certain initiatives stand out. The Anglo-Irish Agreement, signed in 1985 by Margaret Thatcher and Garret FitzGerald for Britain and Ireland, sets up regular meetings between ministers and officials of the two governments. It is a significant step - the first time that the republic of Ireland has had any say, however oblique, in the affairs of the northern province.
Among the continuous attempts to find a solution, certain initiatives stand out. The Anglo-Irish Agreement, signed in 1985 by Margaret Thatcher and Garret FitzGerald for Britain and Ireland, sets up regular meetings between ministers and officials of the two governments. It is a significant step - the first time that the republic of Ireland has had any say, however oblique, in the affairs of the northern province.
A new initiative in 1993 follows a series of meetings between John Hume (the Westminster MP for Foyle and leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party) and Gerry Adams, the president of Provisional sinn fein. The meetings are highly controversial, for they can be interpreted as negotiating with terrorists - since Sinn fein and the ira are closely related (how closely is a matter of debate) as the political and military wings of a linked organization.
Nevertheless the two men's initiative leads to another bid for peace at the highest level. In December 1993 the British and Irish prime ministers, John Major and Albert Reynolds, issue a joint Downing Street Declaration.
Nevertheless the two men's initiative leads to another bid for peace at the highest level. In December 1993 the British and Irish prime ministers, John Major and Albert Reynolds, issue a joint Downing Street Declaration.
This again breaks new ground in declaring that Sinn Fein will be welcome at a future conference table if the IRA renounces violence. After months of intense debate on the issue, the IRA declares a ceasefire in September 1994. The Loyalist paramilitaries follow suit a month later.
These unprecedentedly hopeful signs are followed by an eighteen-month peace which has a benign influence on the economic as well as the psychological condition of northern Ireland. The time is spent preparing for all-party peace talks and debating the thorny question of whether the IRA will relinquish their arms once the talks start (their position) or must do so as a condition for taking part in any talks (the British government's position).
These unprecedentedly hopeful signs are followed by an eighteen-month peace which has a benign influence on the economic as well as the psychological condition of northern Ireland. The time is spent preparing for all-party peace talks and debating the thorny question of whether the IRA will relinquish their arms once the talks start (their position) or must do so as a condition for taking part in any talks (the British government's position).
George Mitchell, a former US senator, is invited by the British and Irish governments to chair an international group charged with devising a workable solution to this problem. The Mitchell group reports in January 1996, proposing a progressive decommissioning of arms in Northern Ireland as part of an ongoing peace process.
John Major accepts the report in principle, but says that it cannot be implemented until after the election of a peace forum. This response is rejected by Sinn Fein. A few days later, in February, a massive IRA bomb explodes at Canary Wharf in London's Docklands, killing two and doing extensive damage. The precious ceasefire is at an end.
John Major accepts the report in principle, but says that it cannot be implemented until after the election of a peace forum. This response is rejected by Sinn Fein. A few days later, in February, a massive IRA bomb explodes at Canary Wharf in London's Docklands, killing two and doing extensive damage. The precious ceasefire is at an end.
Good Friday Agreement: AD 1997-1999
Sectarian violence resumes after the Canary Wharf bomb, at first with IRA terrorist acts perpetrated only in mainland Britain but from October 1996 in Ulster too. Loyalist terrorists soon retaliate in Ulster.
When the Labour party wins the general election in May 1997, one of the first acts by the new prime minister, Tony blair, is an attempt to kickstart the stalled peace process in northern Ireland. He announces in June that talks on the future of the province will begin in September, regardless of whether or not there is a cessation of violence - adding that Sinn Fein will be welcome to join the talks six weeks after the IRA has declared a new and unequivocal ceasefire.
When the Labour party wins the general election in May 1997, one of the first acts by the new prime minister, Tony blair, is an attempt to kickstart the stalled peace process in northern Ireland. He announces in June that talks on the future of the province will begin in September, regardless of whether or not there is a cessation of violence - adding that Sinn Fein will be welcome to join the talks six weeks after the IRA has declared a new and unequivocal ceasefire.
This introduction of a deadline, after which Sinn Fein will be absent from at least part of the talks, proves effective. On July 19 the IRA announces a ceasefire to begin on the following day, with the result that they can participate when talks begin at Stormont in September. The Unionist side briefly walks out in protest, but within a few days they are back.
On September 23 representatives of all the main political groups in northern Ireland meet for the first time, face to face, for discussions. In October they are briefly joined by Tony blair. Not since 1921 has a British prime minister met with Sinn Fein. Blair shakes the hand of the Sinn Fein leader, Gerry Adams, causing outrage in hardline Unionist circles.
On September 23 representatives of all the main political groups in northern Ireland meet for the first time, face to face, for discussions. In October they are briefly joined by Tony blair. Not since 1921 has a British prime minister met with Sinn Fein. Blair shakes the hand of the Sinn Fein leader, Gerry Adams, causing outrage in hardline Unionist circles.
The close involvement of Bertie Ahern, the prime minister of the republic of Ireland, is a crucial element in this peace process. In January 1998 the two governments present a joint set of proposals to the peace talks. Their plan combines an elected northern Ireland assembly with various cross-border and British Isles councils - to provide other forums in which to ease local tensions.
Blair's original programme placed a time limit on the talks, insisting that a package be agreed by May 1998 as the basis for a referendum. The deadline is met. In Belfast, on 10 April 1998 (Good Friday), both governments and the relevant political parties formally agree to the holding of a referendum - along lines close to those jointly proposed by Blair and Ahern.
Blair's original programme placed a time limit on the talks, insisting that a package be agreed by May 1998 as the basis for a referendum. The deadline is met. In Belfast, on 10 April 1998 (Good Friday), both governments and the relevant political parties formally agree to the holding of a referendum - along lines close to those jointly proposed by Blair and Ahern.
The Good Friday Agreement also mentions the phased release of paramilitary (or terrorist) prisoners, and the gradual decommissioning of weapons as proposed by Mitchell. And there is one important political innovation. The referendum is to ask for approval in the republic of Ireland that the claim to the Six counties be dropped from the constitution.
The referendum takes place in May 1998. A 94% vote in the republic supports the Good Friday Agreement and the proposed change in the constitution. In northern Ireland 71% vote for the agreement. Elections follow immediately, in June, for the Stormont parliament. The various Unionist groups win 55 seats and the nationalists 42 (comprising 24 seats for the SDLP and 18 for Sinn Fein).
The referendum takes place in May 1998. A 94% vote in the republic supports the Good Friday Agreement and the proposed change in the constitution. In northern Ireland 71% vote for the agreement. Elections follow immediately, in June, for the Stormont parliament. The various Unionist groups win 55 seats and the nationalists 42 (comprising 24 seats for the SDLP and 18 for Sinn Fein).
Almost Stormont: AD 1998-1999
In July 1998 the Northern Ireland Assembly meets for the first time at Stormont. David Trimble (Ulster Unionist) is elected First Minister.
For nearly a year desultory business continues, without Trimble being able to form a cabinet and begin the proper process of governing. The reason is the long-standing problem of the Decommissioning of arms. The timetable has been left deliberately vague in the Good Friday Agreement. Now the Unionists insist that Sinn Fein cannot be part of government until Decommissioning has begun. The IRA is equally adamant that it will not give up any weapons until Sinn Fein is in the government. In desperation Blair attempts another deadline. Unless there is agreement by the end of June 1999, there will be no Stormont parliament.
For nearly a year desultory business continues, without Trimble being able to form a cabinet and begin the proper process of governing. The reason is the long-standing problem of the Decommissioning of arms. The timetable has been left deliberately vague in the Good Friday Agreement. Now the Unionists insist that Sinn Fein cannot be part of government until Decommissioning has begun. The IRA is equally adamant that it will not give up any weapons until Sinn Fein is in the government. In desperation Blair attempts another deadline. Unless there is agreement by the end of June 1999, there will be no Stormont parliament.
Long nights of intense bargaining up to the end of June, and through the first two days of July, end with an ultimatum from the British and Irish prime ministers. They propose now that Sinn Fein should be allowed to take part in the proposed executive on the mere promise of IRA arms Decommissioning, which must begin within a short period and be complete by May 2000. A strict monitoring system for Decommissioning is to be set in place. Stormont will be suspended if the IRA fail to meet stipulated deadlines.
If all parties accept these terms, and meet together in Stormont on July 15 to select the members of the executive, then devolved powers will be transferred to northern Ireland on July 18.
If all parties accept these terms, and meet together in Stormont on July 15 to select the members of the executive, then devolved powers will be transferred to northern Ireland on July 18.
Intense discussion continues over the next two weeks, particularly between David Trimble, on behalf of the Ulster Unionists, and Tony Blair. Trimble complains that no clear evidence has been provided that the IRA does intend to hand in its arms, and no strict timetable for them to do so has yet been agreed. Without better guarantees on this front he refuses to recommend to his party the proposed arrangements for immediate power-sharing.
On July 15 northern Ireland's elected politicians assemble in Stormont. The business of the day is the nomination by each party of their representatives on the power-sharing executive. But the Ulster Unionist seats are empty.
On July 15 northern Ireland's elected politicians assemble in Stormont. The business of the day is the nomination by each party of their representatives on the power-sharing executive. But the Ulster Unionist seats are empty.
The assembly progresses solemnly through a hollow procedure. The SDLP and Sinn Fein are the only parties to nominate ministers, so the ten-member executive becomes exclusively nationalist. Ministerial portfolios are allocated. Then the speaker announces that the executive is invalid because it does not meet the power-sharing requirement.
The peace process goes back into limbo, with a profound public sense of disappointment. The Good Friday Agreement and the referenda still hold good as the basis for future progress, but devolution has been snatched once again from northern Ireland.
The peace process goes back into limbo, with a profound public sense of disappointment. The Good Friday Agreement and the referenda still hold good as the basis for future progress, but devolution has been snatched once again from northern Ireland.
The assembly progresses solemnly through a hollow procedure. The SDLP and Sinn Fein are the only parties to nominate ministers, so the ten-member executive becomes exclusively nationalist. Ministerial portfolios are allocated. Then the speaker announces that the executive is invalid because it does not meet the power-sharing requirement.
The peace process goes back into limbo, with a profound public sense of disappointment. The Good Friday Agreement and the referenda still hold good as the basis for future progress, but devolution has been snatched once again from northern Ireland. Meanwhile it has been achieved elsewhere, in both Scotland and Wales - some twenty years after first being on offer.
The peace process goes back into limbo, with a profound public sense of disappointment. The Good Friday Agreement and the referenda still hold good as the basis for future progress, but devolution has been snatched once again from northern Ireland. Meanwhile it has been achieved elsewhere, in both Scotland and Wales - some twenty years after first being on offer.
Fits and starts at Stormont: from AD 1999
The Northern Irish peace process remains in limbo until the US negotiator George Mitchell returns to try and find common ground between the Sinn Fein and Ulster Unionist leaders, Gerry Adams and David Trimble. Their joint efforts end in a breakthrough when both men issue agreed and conciliatory statements on 16 November 1999.
The Ulster Unionists have always said that they will not cooperate with Sinn Fein until the IRA at least begins to hand in its weapons. The next hurdle is for David Trimble to persuade the Ulster Unionist Council that the party should share government with Sinn Fein on the mere promise of this happening. On November 27 he wins this agreement, with the proviso that the party will pull out of government if the IRA fails to hand in any arms by February.
The Ulster Unionists have always said that they will not cooperate with Sinn Fein until the IRA at least begins to hand in its weapons. The next hurdle is for David Trimble to persuade the Ulster Unionist Council that the party should share government with Sinn Fein on the mere promise of this happening. On November 27 he wins this agreement, with the proviso that the party will pull out of government if the IRA fails to hand in any arms by February.
On a historic day, 2 December 1999, both sides convene at Stormont and a ten-strong cabinet is selected with David Trimble, leader of the largest party, as First Minister. But the next crisis looms all to soon. By February the IRA has shown no sign of decommissioning any weapons. Well aware of the harm to the peace process if the Unionists withdraw, the British government preempts the issue early in the month by reimposing direct rule from Westminster - while emphasizing that the Stormont executive is being temporarily suspended rather than dismantled.
After quiet diplomacy there is sudden progress again in May, when the IRA put out their most unequivocal statement to date, offering to put their arms 'completely and verifiably beyond use'.
After quiet diplomacy there is sudden progress again in May, when the IRA put out their most unequivocal statement to date, offering to put their arms 'completely and verifiably beyond use'.
Their proposed method is the opening of their arms stores to full and regular inspection by independent observers. The question is whether David Trimble can sell this as significant progress to an increasingly sceptical Ulster Unionist Council. In late May he narrowly succeeds in doing so (by 459 to 403 votes, a closer margin than six months earlier), winning the party's agreement to share power again with Sinn Fein on this new basis. Power is once again transferred from Westminster to Stormont. The Ulster executive at Stormont resumes its devolved work early in June 2000.
There is a similar crisis in 2001, involving even the temporary resignation of David Trimble. Once again, at the last moment, the IRA make new promises just in time. Almost against the odds, political life resumes.
There is a similar crisis in 2001, involving even the temporary resignation of David Trimble. Once again, at the last moment, the IRA make new promises just in time. Almost against the odds, political life resumes.
Yet another crisis erupts in the autumn of 2002, when there is apparent evidence that a spy working for Sinn Fein or the IRA has been copying top-secret documents from the files of the Stormont administration. David Trimble threatens to take the Unionists out of the government unless Sinn Fein are excluded. Once again the British government decides that the suspension of Stormont is the likeliest way of allowing tempers to cool. Direct rule from Westminster is reimposed.
In spite of this setback both Sinn Fein and the Unionists say that they remain committed to implementing the Good Friday Agreement. There is therefore some hope that the peace process itself remains alive, even if there is silence once again in the corridors of power at Stormont.
In spite of this setback both Sinn Fein and the Unionists say that they remain committed to implementing the Good Friday Agreement. There is therefore some hope that the peace process itself remains alive, even if there is silence once again in the corridors of power at Stormont.
Hope for the future?
From 1993 the Irish peace process has lurched forward in fits and starts, but real progress has been made. There will be further crises, but the Protestant and Catholic communities have unmistakably expressed a wish for a normal political situation. At the start of the new millennium the mood is more hopeful than at any time since 1969.
But one underlying cause for concern, in the perspective of Irish history, is the tendency of the Irish republican movement to spawn splinter groups which carry on the murderous work of terrorism each time the leaders of the movement decide to enter mainstream politics.
But one underlying cause for concern, in the perspective of Irish history, is the tendency of the Irish republican movement to spawn splinter groups which carry on the murderous work of terrorism each time the leaders of the movement decide to enter mainstream politics.
This happens in the Civil war of 1922; it happens during the time of De valera, when the IRA continues after its former leader becomes taoiseach; and it happens in 1969 with the emergence of the Civil war of 1922 from an IRA by then inclined to renounce terrorism.
In 1999 the pattern seems in danger of repeating itself in the form of the Real IRA, a minority group responsible for placing a bomb in Omagh in August 1998 which causes twenty-nine deaths - within weeks of the Northern Ireland Assembly meeting for the first time at Stormont. Subsequent terrorist acts on the UK mainland suggest that the Real IRA remains a considerable danger.
In 1999 the pattern seems in danger of repeating itself in the form of the Real IRA, a minority group responsible for placing a bomb in Omagh in August 1998 which causes twenty-nine deaths - within weeks of the Northern Ireland Assembly meeting for the first time at Stormont. Subsequent terrorist acts on the UK mainland suggest that the Real IRA remains a considerable danger.
It is also an alarming fact that violence continues to disrupt normal existence in the province. A ferocious feud breaks out in 2000 between rival groups of Protestant paramilitaries (the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Freedom Fighters) in the Shankhill Road district of Belfast. The level of violence becomes such that troops are brought back on to the streets of the city, in a move welcomed by most of the inhabitants of the Shankhill Road.
And in 2001 Belfast suffers a shocking new outbreak of sectarian violence, with Protestant bigots threatening Catholic children on their route to the Holy Cross school. In 2002 a repeat of this confrontation is followed by riots between sectarian mobs and the temporary closing of the school.
And in 2001 Belfast suffers a shocking new outbreak of sectarian violence, with Protestant bigots threatening Catholic children on their route to the Holy Cross school. In 2002 a repeat of this confrontation is followed by riots between sectarian mobs and the temporary closing of the school.
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