istoryworld
IRAQ
Origins
Earliest times: since the 4th millennium BC
Although only established in the 20th century as a region within its present specific borders, Iraq has a history of more than five millennia. As Mesopotamia it became one of the world's first two civilizations, the other being Egypt.
From about 4500 BC there are settlements on the edges of the marshes where the Tigris and the Euphrates reach the Persian Gulf – the Greek name Mesopotamia means between rivers. Civilization (the existence of towns or cities with at least a minimal civil service) is established here a little earlier than 3100 BC. From that time until the end of the Ottoman empire the development of Iraq is part of the history of Mesopotamia.
For almost four centuries from the arrival of the sultan and his army in 1534 the region of Iraq is under the nominal rule of the Ottoman dynasty in Istanbul, conducted through a provincial governor based in Baghdad. On two brief occasions the neighbouring Safavid dynasty in Iran intrudes, and for much of the 18th century the region is under the control of Mamelukes, officially subordinate to the sultan but in effect independent.
It is World War I, when Turkey sides with Germany, that changes the region out of recognition, ending the Ottoman centuries.
From about 4500 BC there are settlements on the edges of the marshes where the Tigris and the Euphrates reach the Persian Gulf – the Greek name Mesopotamia means between rivers. Civilization (the existence of towns or cities with at least a minimal civil service) is established here a little earlier than 3100 BC. From that time until the end of the Ottoman empire the development of Iraq is part of the history of Mesopotamia.
For almost four centuries from the arrival of the sultan and his army in 1534 the region of Iraq is under the nominal rule of the Ottoman dynasty in Istanbul, conducted through a provincial governor based in Baghdad. On two brief occasions the neighbouring Safavid dynasty in Iran intrudes, and for much of the 18th century the region is under the control of Mamelukes, officially subordinate to the sultan but in effect independent.
It is World War I, when Turkey sides with Germany, that changes the region out of recognition, ending the Ottoman centuries.
The British Mandate: 1920-58
The League of Nations: 1920
When Germany seeks an armistice, in early November 1918, the war ends. Delegates to the peace conference gather in Paris two months later. Their task is a complex one – working out the precise terms that will be imposed if a treaty is to be signed with each of the defeated nations. The treaty with the Ottoman empire is the last to be agreed, not being signed until August 1920 at Sèvres.
Its terms are harsh. The empire is to be entirely dismantled, with all the middle-eastern provinces previously under Turkish control now made the responsibility of France and Britain as mandated territories. The division between the two European nations has already been agreed, foreseeing this possible outcome if Turkey is defeated. In 1916 the Sykes-Picot agreement has been signed. Its details have been negotiated by François Picot for France and Mark Sykes for Britain. Their proposed borders, drawn in a fairly arbitrary fashion, are adopted when the League of nations announces in May 1920 its decision for the Turkish territories east of the Mediterranean. France is given a mandate to govern Syria and Lebanon. The mandated territories entrusted to Britain are Iraq and Palestine, with the region east of the Jordan to be administered separately as Transjordan (known now as Jordan).
The British immediately face violent opposition from Iraqi nationalist groups strongly opposed to the arrival of a colonial power. Within a month, by the end of June, peaceful demonstrations have developed into armed uprising. The four months to October are now often referred to as the Iraqi Revolt or the Great Iraqi Revolution. It is brought to an end by powerful British reinforcements and in particular by the use of aeroplanes bombing places held by the insurgents.
Relative peace is then maintained by methods familiar from the British empire. One of these is placing in positions of power people likely to remain friendly to the British. To this end, in 1921, they offer the throne of Iraq to Faisal, a glamorous Arab prince, son of the emir of Mecca. He is well-known for his daring exploits in the war, in a very successful campaign with T.e. lawrence to drive the Turks out of what is now Palestine and Israel. His reputation has caused him already to be given the throne of Syria in March 1920 by the Syrian National Congress. France receives its mandate for Syria just a month later and removes him from the throne, being determined to found the new Syria as a republic rather than a monarchy.
Its terms are harsh. The empire is to be entirely dismantled, with all the middle-eastern provinces previously under Turkish control now made the responsibility of France and Britain as mandated territories. The division between the two European nations has already been agreed, foreseeing this possible outcome if Turkey is defeated. In 1916 the Sykes-Picot agreement has been signed. Its details have been negotiated by François Picot for France and Mark Sykes for Britain. Their proposed borders, drawn in a fairly arbitrary fashion, are adopted when the League of nations announces in May 1920 its decision for the Turkish territories east of the Mediterranean. France is given a mandate to govern Syria and Lebanon. The mandated territories entrusted to Britain are Iraq and Palestine, with the region east of the Jordan to be administered separately as Transjordan (known now as Jordan).
The British immediately face violent opposition from Iraqi nationalist groups strongly opposed to the arrival of a colonial power. Within a month, by the end of June, peaceful demonstrations have developed into armed uprising. The four months to October are now often referred to as the Iraqi Revolt or the Great Iraqi Revolution. It is brought to an end by powerful British reinforcements and in particular by the use of aeroplanes bombing places held by the insurgents.
Relative peace is then maintained by methods familiar from the British empire. One of these is placing in positions of power people likely to remain friendly to the British. To this end, in 1921, they offer the throne of Iraq to Faisal, a glamorous Arab prince, son of the emir of Mecca. He is well-known for his daring exploits in the war, in a very successful campaign with T.e. lawrence to drive the Turks out of what is now Palestine and Israel. His reputation has caused him already to be given the throne of Syria in March 1920 by the Syrian National Congress. France receives its mandate for Syria just a month later and removes him from the throne, being determined to found the new Syria as a republic rather than a monarchy.
Kingdom of Iraq: 1930-58
In 1930 Britain signs an Anglo-Iraqi Treaty with Faisal. It gives his kingdom full independence but with major military concessions to Britain. These are important to Britain for two reasons – Iraq is rich in oil (more has recently been discovered) and it is a large part of a region of great importance in the defence of India. Britain is determined to protect its interests in both these contexts and the treaty grants extensive powers. Britain has the right to establish military bases anywhere in the country and in time of war to move military forces by any available means of transport.
Faisal dies in 1930 and is succeeded by his only son, Ghazi, who himself dies six years later. His son, by now only three, becomes king as Faisal II, so for the next fifteen years, with one brief interval, the kingdom is ruled by a regent, the young king's uncle, Abdal al-Ilah. The brief interval is the result of a coup in 1941 by Rashid Ali al-Gaylani who has Fascist sympathies and seeks Italian and German support to drive out the British. The resulting war between British forces and the Iraqi army lasts less than two months before Rashid Ali flees to Persia.
Faisal II's reign is brought to a violent end in 1958, when an anti-monarchist coup is launched by a group calling itself the Free Officers as an echo of Nasser's successful coup in Egypt in 1952. Their leader is Abd al-Karim Qasim. When his forces reach the palace, Faisal and other members of the royal family are lined up in the courtyard and mown down with machine-gun fire.
Faisal dies in 1930 and is succeeded by his only son, Ghazi, who himself dies six years later. His son, by now only three, becomes king as Faisal II, so for the next fifteen years, with one brief interval, the kingdom is ruled by a regent, the young king's uncle, Abdal al-Ilah. The brief interval is the result of a coup in 1941 by Rashid Ali al-Gaylani who has Fascist sympathies and seeks Italian and German support to drive out the British. The resulting war between British forces and the Iraqi army lasts less than two months before Rashid Ali flees to Persia.
Faisal II's reign is brought to a violent end in 1958, when an anti-monarchist coup is launched by a group calling itself the Free Officers as an echo of Nasser's successful coup in Egypt in 1952. Their leader is Abd al-Karim Qasim. When his forces reach the palace, Faisal and other members of the royal family are lined up in the courtyard and mown down with machine-gun fire.
War in Iraq
The Iraq War: 2003
A multinational force of about forty nations, led by the US and most strongly supported by the UK, launches a secret attack against Iraq on 20 March 2003, without any declaration of war (the event however is not unexpected by Iraq, given the massive build-up of forces near the border). Special operations are mounted to capture and secure the Iraqi oilfields and the offshore oil platforms, while heavy US and UK land forces fight their way northwards through Iraq. Meanwhile there are rockets and bombs falling every night on the capital city.
Baghdad falls on April 29, ending Saddam Hussein's regime. His vast statue in Firdos Square is toppled by a jubilant crowd. The man himself vanishes as if into thin air. At various times in coming weeks he issues audio tapes, urging the Iraqi people to rise up against the aggressors.
In December US intelligence receives a tip-off that he may be hiding in a farm near his home town of Tikrit. There is no sign of him in the farmhouse, but he is found in a hole in the ground covered with a camouflaged lid. As he emerges, heavily bearded and almost unrecognizable, he makes a statement that will long remain one of the most famous quotations of the early 21st century: 'I am Saddam Hussein, President of Iraq, and I am willing to negotiate.' In 2004 he is tried, found guilty of crimes against humanity, and sentenced to death by hanging.
Baghdad falls on April 29, ending Saddam Hussein's regime. His vast statue in Firdos Square is toppled by a jubilant crowd. The man himself vanishes as if into thin air. At various times in coming weeks he issues audio tapes, urging the Iraqi people to rise up against the aggressors.
In December US intelligence receives a tip-off that he may be hiding in a farm near his home town of Tikrit. There is no sign of him in the farmhouse, but he is found in a hole in the ground covered with a camouflaged lid. As he emerges, heavily bearded and almost unrecognizable, he makes a statement that will long remain one of the most famous quotations of the early 21st century: 'I am Saddam Hussein, President of Iraq, and I am willing to negotiate.' In 2004 he is tried, found guilty of crimes against humanity, and sentenced to death by hanging.
Since 2003
The aftermath of war: since 2003
On 1 May 2003, two days after the fall of Baghdad, President Bush enjoys a spectacular photo opportunity. He appears on the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, stationed off the coast of California, and makes a speech in front of a massive banner stating 'Mission Accomplished'.
The boast is premature. The occupying forces, led by the US, are soon revealed as completely unprepared for the complex task facing them in the administration of the conquered country. It is as if nobody has yet given it a thought, apart from the one idea of removing all Ba'athist supporters from senior positions in the professions, in particular the civil service and police. The policy is to be taken even further with the army, involving the dismissal of all 400,000 soldiers.
On 11 May 2003 Paul Bremer is appointed the US Administrator of Iraq, effectively the head of state. He has since been much criticized for early errors, in particular the dismissal of all the soldiers. His reply has been that there were no soldiers left to dismiss. Many had followed the advice of leaflets dropped during the war by the coalition, urging them to desert and go home. Others had fled from the invasion. But whatever the precise details Iraq, in the immediate post-war phase, is like a non-functioning state, with a large amount of looting and social chaos. Bremer is replaced in June 2004.
There have been successes in later years. An election is held in 2005 and the Council of Representatives first convenes in March 2006. Nouri al-Maliki becomes prime minister and retains this post after the election of 2010. But even after so many years of national poverty and privation, resulting from the eight years of war with Iran and then international sanctions, prosperity might have been expected to return sooner than it has. In 2010, seven years after the end of the Iraq War, the country, once one of the most prosperous in the region, remains the second poorest with a per capita GDP of only about $2500. And the oil industry, the main promise of wealth, is not sufficiently repaired and renewed to deliver anything like its full potential until 2012.
The main underlying problem in all this has been the violence endemic in the country since the occupation, usually carried out by means of car bombs and suicide bombers. In the early years most of this is directed against the occupying forces. But more recently the problem has been the eruption of the ancient rivalry between the minority Sunnis and the majority Shi'as, forcibly suppressed in previous years by Saddam Hussein's Sunni administration. The level of casualties fluctuates between good and bad periods. But in the summer of 2013 the average number of deaths in the country in each month has been more than 700.
In the early years of the occupation the US and the UK regularly assure the world that the weapons of mass destruction will soon be found. None ever has been.
The boast is premature. The occupying forces, led by the US, are soon revealed as completely unprepared for the complex task facing them in the administration of the conquered country. It is as if nobody has yet given it a thought, apart from the one idea of removing all Ba'athist supporters from senior positions in the professions, in particular the civil service and police. The policy is to be taken even further with the army, involving the dismissal of all 400,000 soldiers.
On 11 May 2003 Paul Bremer is appointed the US Administrator of Iraq, effectively the head of state. He has since been much criticized for early errors, in particular the dismissal of all the soldiers. His reply has been that there were no soldiers left to dismiss. Many had followed the advice of leaflets dropped during the war by the coalition, urging them to desert and go home. Others had fled from the invasion. But whatever the precise details Iraq, in the immediate post-war phase, is like a non-functioning state, with a large amount of looting and social chaos. Bremer is replaced in June 2004.
There have been successes in later years. An election is held in 2005 and the Council of Representatives first convenes in March 2006. Nouri al-Maliki becomes prime minister and retains this post after the election of 2010. But even after so many years of national poverty and privation, resulting from the eight years of war with Iran and then international sanctions, prosperity might have been expected to return sooner than it has. In 2010, seven years after the end of the Iraq War, the country, once one of the most prosperous in the region, remains the second poorest with a per capita GDP of only about $2500. And the oil industry, the main promise of wealth, is not sufficiently repaired and renewed to deliver anything like its full potential until 2012.
The main underlying problem in all this has been the violence endemic in the country since the occupation, usually carried out by means of car bombs and suicide bombers. In the early years most of this is directed against the occupying forces. But more recently the problem has been the eruption of the ancient rivalry between the minority Sunnis and the majority Shi'as, forcibly suppressed in previous years by Saddam Hussein's Sunni administration. The level of casualties fluctuates between good and bad periods. But in the summer of 2013 the average number of deaths in the country in each month has been more than 700.
In the early years of the occupation the US and the UK regularly assure the world that the weapons of mass destruction will soon be found. None ever has been.
Withdrawal of coalition forces: 2009-11
Many in Iraq have viewed the presence of western troops on their soil as a foreign occupation, and occasionally the brutal treatment of captured insurgents has reinforced this impression. The most notorious example is the torture and humiliation of prisoners held by US troops in Abu Ghraib prison, already associated with terror in the minds of Iraqis as one of the most feared locations where opponents of Saddam Hussein were tortured and executed. Eleven soldiers are subsequently given prison sentences for abuses committed in Abu Ghraib, one of them for ten years. The equivalent blot on the reputation of the British army is the death of Baha Mousa, an Iraqi who died after torture of various forms when in custody in Basra in September 2003.
The coalition nations have always regarded their presence in Iraq as temporary, providing basic government services and necessary training until the country has politicians and security services capable of maintaining a stable and peaceful society. In both the USA and the UK the pressure to withdraw becomes more urgent as the population in both countries increasingly regards the invasion of Iraq as having been a disastrous mistake. In a surprise visit to Iraq in December 2008 the UK prime minister, Gordon Brown, announces that almost all the 4100 British troops will leave by the end of July 2009, with just 300 remaining to help with the training of Iraqi forces.
In 2008 President Bush signs a bilateral agreement with prime minister Nouri al-Maki to the effect that all American forces should withdraw from cities in 2009 and from the country by the end of 2011. In the event all combat forces anywhere in the country are withdrawn by August 2010, with about 50,000 troops remaining in an advisory capacity.
On 15 December 2011 a military ceremony is held in Baghdad, formally ending the US mission in Iraq. Three days later the last 500 troops leave the country. The Iraq War is finally, and officially, over.
The coalition nations have always regarded their presence in Iraq as temporary, providing basic government services and necessary training until the country has politicians and security services capable of maintaining a stable and peaceful society. In both the USA and the UK the pressure to withdraw becomes more urgent as the population in both countries increasingly regards the invasion of Iraq as having been a disastrous mistake. In a surprise visit to Iraq in December 2008 the UK prime minister, Gordon Brown, announces that almost all the 4100 British troops will leave by the end of July 2009, with just 300 remaining to help with the training of Iraqi forces.
In 2008 President Bush signs a bilateral agreement with prime minister Nouri al-Maki to the effect that all American forces should withdraw from cities in 2009 and from the country by the end of 2011. In the event all combat forces anywhere in the country are withdrawn by August 2010, with about 50,000 troops remaining in an advisory capacity.
On 15 December 2011 a military ceremony is held in Baghdad, formally ending the US mission in Iraq. Three days later the last 500 troops leave the country. The Iraq War is finally, and officially, over.
IRAQ
Saddam Hussein: 1958-91
Qasim's coup leads to the first occasion when the Ba'ath party achieves a prominent role in Iraq. Twelve of the sixteen members of his cabinet are members of the party, but their loyalty to Qasim is limited. Not much more than a year after the coup they disagree with his encouragement of the Communists and his rejection of pan-Arabism (the campaign for a union of Arab states), a cause to which the Ba'ath party is strongly committed. On 7 October 1959 they try and assassinate him in an ambush of his car. The plot fails. He is only hit in the arm and shoulder. An important member of the group of would-be assassins is a 22-year-old officer, Saddam Hussein.
Saddam flees to Egypt, staying there until a Ba'athist coup against Qasim in 1963. On this occasion Qasim is killed, as are many Communists in a house-to-house hunt. By the time of the next coup, carried out in 1968 by a disaffected Ba'athist group against the Ba'athists in power, Saddam Hussein is on the winning side and on the verge of achieving real power.
Officially the leader of the most recent coup is Ahmad Hassan al-Bakr, who becomes president of Iraq. Saddam is chosen as his deputy and vice-chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council. These are positions that enable him to set about building a strong following within the party, and soon he is unmistakably the power behind the throne. He also puts a major effort into winning favour with the public, using Iraq's oil revenues to introduce a standard of social welfare and a degree of free education unparalleled in the region. His campaign against illiteracy, in particular, later brings him an award in 1982 from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). And he funds major improvements to the country's infrastructure, creating much needed jobs.
The close parallel with the reasons for Hitler's popularity in Germany is often mentioned, and like him Saddam is ruthless in his treatment of colleagues and the suppression of dissent. His pleasure in creating terror becomes evident in an extraordinary event within a week of his achieving absolute power in 1979. On July 16 Saddam forces al-Bakr (by now ailing) to step down and, as the deputy, takes his place as president. On July 22 he summons a large number of senior Ba'ath officials to an assembly, which he orders to be videotaped. It is announced that a conspiracy has been discovered within the party, and a list is read out of 68 supposed conspirators. Each, as his name is heard, is taken from the room and arrested. Saddam then thanks those remaining in the room for their loyalty. Twenty-two of those arrested are executed that same day, and others attending the assembly are forced to serve as the firing squad. It is believed that by the end of that month several hundred high-ranking members of the party have been killed.
Saddam flees to Egypt, staying there until a Ba'athist coup against Qasim in 1963. On this occasion Qasim is killed, as are many Communists in a house-to-house hunt. By the time of the next coup, carried out in 1968 by a disaffected Ba'athist group against the Ba'athists in power, Saddam Hussein is on the winning side and on the verge of achieving real power.
Officially the leader of the most recent coup is Ahmad Hassan al-Bakr, who becomes president of Iraq. Saddam is chosen as his deputy and vice-chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council. These are positions that enable him to set about building a strong following within the party, and soon he is unmistakably the power behind the throne. He also puts a major effort into winning favour with the public, using Iraq's oil revenues to introduce a standard of social welfare and a degree of free education unparalleled in the region. His campaign against illiteracy, in particular, later brings him an award in 1982 from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). And he funds major improvements to the country's infrastructure, creating much needed jobs.
The close parallel with the reasons for Hitler's popularity in Germany is often mentioned, and like him Saddam is ruthless in his treatment of colleagues and the suppression of dissent. His pleasure in creating terror becomes evident in an extraordinary event within a week of his achieving absolute power in 1979. On July 16 Saddam forces al-Bakr (by now ailing) to step down and, as the deputy, takes his place as president. On July 22 he summons a large number of senior Ba'ath officials to an assembly, which he orders to be videotaped. It is announced that a conspiracy has been discovered within the party, and a list is read out of 68 supposed conspirators. Each, as his name is heard, is taken from the room and arrested. Saddam then thanks those remaining in the room for their loyalty. Twenty-two of those arrested are executed that same day, and others attending the assembly are forced to serve as the firing squad. It is believed that by the end of that month several hundred high-ranking members of the party have been killed.
The Iran-Iraq War: 1980-1988
From 1979 Iraq develops a close relationship with the United States and several European nations. The main reason is the dramatic change in Iran in that year, when Ayatollah Khomeini drives the Shah from the country and takes control. He is a passionate opponent of the secular west and is determined to turn Iran into a Muslim state along fundamentalist lines. Two aspects of this development bring Iraq into a closer relationship with the west. With this new ogre in the Middle East, Iran's immediate neighbour Iraq becomes a valued friend. And Iraq and the west have an important shared interest. Iran, a Shi'a country now committed to fostering an Islamic revolution, will certainly encourage the Shi'a majority in Iraq to rise up against their rulers from the Sunni minority, which includes Saddam Hussein. And with Iran's oil now under the control of Khomeini, the abundant Iraqi oil becomes of greatly increased economic importance.
Western nations therefore take no effective steps to discourage Saddam Hussein when he launches a surprise attack on his neighbour in 1980. The pretext is a long-standing dispute over control of the Shatt al-Arab, the important waterway between the two states leading south to the Gulf. Iraqi planes and ground forces cross the border into Iran on 22 September 1980, During the first month they make useful gains, though they fail to reach their immediate target, the great oil-refinery at Abadan. A stalemate ensues, with warfare akin to the trenches of World War I. But from 1982 the Iranians begin to fight back with great vigour and even succeed in pushing the invaders back into Iraq. The strength of the Iranian resistance is entirely unexpected since the country is known to have been in some chaos internally since the revolution.
However it is the revolution that is largely responsible for Iran's continuing success against the much better armed Iraqi army. Khomeini, an inspirational figure treating the conflict as a war against absolute evil, can call on the fundamentalist religious passion of the less educated members of society, a large majority within a country that has a much greater population than Iraq. Even young women are called on to enlist. They are trained in the use of light weapons, doing so with black head scarves and full-length black burkas down to their black army boots, with only their faces showing.
Soon the result on the ground is again stalemate and it will remain that way for the rest of the war. This finally ends when both sides, exhausted, accept a UN-brokered ceasefire in August 1988. The combined deaths of young men on both sides are variously calculated as between half a million and a million. And on the ground nothing has changed.
One aspect of Iraq's tactics however prompts a new perception of Saddam Hussein in the west that will prove of great significance later. He uses chemical weapons such as mustard gas against Iranian troops. And he uses them more extensively against rebellious Kurds living in the north of Iraq itself in a campaign that amounts to genocide. The first wave of persecution begins in 1982 and a more intense one follows in 1987, with a much greater number of deaths. That Saddam Hussein can do this against his own people is not soon forgotten.
Western nations therefore take no effective steps to discourage Saddam Hussein when he launches a surprise attack on his neighbour in 1980. The pretext is a long-standing dispute over control of the Shatt al-Arab, the important waterway between the two states leading south to the Gulf. Iraqi planes and ground forces cross the border into Iran on 22 September 1980, During the first month they make useful gains, though they fail to reach their immediate target, the great oil-refinery at Abadan. A stalemate ensues, with warfare akin to the trenches of World War I. But from 1982 the Iranians begin to fight back with great vigour and even succeed in pushing the invaders back into Iraq. The strength of the Iranian resistance is entirely unexpected since the country is known to have been in some chaos internally since the revolution.
However it is the revolution that is largely responsible for Iran's continuing success against the much better armed Iraqi army. Khomeini, an inspirational figure treating the conflict as a war against absolute evil, can call on the fundamentalist religious passion of the less educated members of society, a large majority within a country that has a much greater population than Iraq. Even young women are called on to enlist. They are trained in the use of light weapons, doing so with black head scarves and full-length black burkas down to their black army boots, with only their faces showing.
Soon the result on the ground is again stalemate and it will remain that way for the rest of the war. This finally ends when both sides, exhausted, accept a UN-brokered ceasefire in August 1988. The combined deaths of young men on both sides are variously calculated as between half a million and a million. And on the ground nothing has changed.
One aspect of Iraq's tactics however prompts a new perception of Saddam Hussein in the west that will prove of great significance later. He uses chemical weapons such as mustard gas against Iranian troops. And he uses them more extensively against rebellious Kurds living in the north of Iraq itself in a campaign that amounts to genocide. The first wave of persecution begins in 1982 and a more intense one follows in 1987, with a much greater number of deaths. That Saddam Hussein can do this against his own people is not soon forgotten.
The Gulf War: 1990-91
Saddam Hussein's next military adventure is prompted by a sudden fall in the price of oil in the late 1980s, initially caused by Kuwait greatly increasing its output. This presents Hussein with a much-reduced revenue and a financial crisis.
His response is radical. He revives a long-standing Iraqi claim to Kuwait, Iraq's neighbour at the northern end of the Persian Gulf, on the basis that under Turkish rule it was combined with southern Iraq as a single province. The border between the two regions was drawn as part of the settlements imposed after World War I. If the claim is established, Iraqi pride on the issue will have been restored and Saddam's reputation within Iraq greatly increased. And it will at a stroke solve his revenue problems to have the Kuwait oil fields under his control.Saddam Hussein knows that that there is no chance his claim will succeed, but he has other strategies in readiness. On July 10 his foreign minister declares that Kuwait has taken large amounts of oil from Iraqi oil wells, by so-called slant-drilling, and has built military installations on Iraqi land. Saddam threatens military action if a demand for financial reparations is not met, and on 2 August Iraqi troop cross the border into Kuwait. The much weaker Kuwaiti forces are rapidly overwhelmed or flee into Saudi-Arabia. Within a week Hussein declares that Kuwait is annexed, and subsequently announces that it is to be the 19th province of Iraq.
Immediately after the invasion, the Security Council of the UN imposes trade sanctions on Iraq. By the middle of August a large international army is beginning to assemble in Saudi Arabia, charged by the Security Council with the task of liberating Kuwait. It includes troops from twelve Arab nations, as well as contingents from the USA, Britain and other western countries. In response the Iraqis round up a large number of Kuwaiti hostages and take them to Iraq, saying they will be used as a human shield against invasion; but Hussein gradually releases them and even, to everyone's surprise, allows all the remaining western foreigners trapped in Kuwait to leave the country. But he promises 'the mother of battles' if he is invaded.
The Security Council has set a deadline of 15 January 1991 for Iraqi withdrawal. It is subsequently extended by one day. During the night of 16-17 January the allied countries launch an unprecedentedly heavy air and missile attack against Iraqi installations, both in Kuwait and in Iraq. Iraq retaliates by firing in the direction of Israel several antiquated but nevertheless dangerous Scud missiles, supplied in the past by the Soviet Union. They have the range to reach Israel, but only very limited accuracy. Within a few days the Americans supply Israel with Patriot missiles, capable of intercepting and exploding the incoming Scud rockets.
By the end of January the Iraqis are pumping Kuwaiti oil into the Persian Gulf, creating massive pollution, and in early February they begin setting fire to Kuwaiti oil fields. An allied ground offensive begins on February 24 and meets with little resistance. Kuwait City, the capital of the country, is liberated on February 26. On February 27 Iraq's Republican Guard is defeated in a tank battle in southern Iraq. Allied military action is suspended early the next morning and a ceasefire is announced. The stated aim of the operation, the liberation of Kuwait, has been achieved.
Many will subsequently regret that the UN forces did not push on into Iraq and remove Saddam – particularly since the war itself causes unexpected disasters within Iraq. Persecuted minorities within the country, including the Kurds in the north and the Marsh Arabs in the south, feeling confident of western support, attempt insurrections during the war. Saddam's savage level of reprisals is predictable.
His response is radical. He revives a long-standing Iraqi claim to Kuwait, Iraq's neighbour at the northern end of the Persian Gulf, on the basis that under Turkish rule it was combined with southern Iraq as a single province. The border between the two regions was drawn as part of the settlements imposed after World War I. If the claim is established, Iraqi pride on the issue will have been restored and Saddam's reputation within Iraq greatly increased. And it will at a stroke solve his revenue problems to have the Kuwait oil fields under his control.Saddam Hussein knows that that there is no chance his claim will succeed, but he has other strategies in readiness. On July 10 his foreign minister declares that Kuwait has taken large amounts of oil from Iraqi oil wells, by so-called slant-drilling, and has built military installations on Iraqi land. Saddam threatens military action if a demand for financial reparations is not met, and on 2 August Iraqi troop cross the border into Kuwait. The much weaker Kuwaiti forces are rapidly overwhelmed or flee into Saudi-Arabia. Within a week Hussein declares that Kuwait is annexed, and subsequently announces that it is to be the 19th province of Iraq.
Immediately after the invasion, the Security Council of the UN imposes trade sanctions on Iraq. By the middle of August a large international army is beginning to assemble in Saudi Arabia, charged by the Security Council with the task of liberating Kuwait. It includes troops from twelve Arab nations, as well as contingents from the USA, Britain and other western countries. In response the Iraqis round up a large number of Kuwaiti hostages and take them to Iraq, saying they will be used as a human shield against invasion; but Hussein gradually releases them and even, to everyone's surprise, allows all the remaining western foreigners trapped in Kuwait to leave the country. But he promises 'the mother of battles' if he is invaded.
The Security Council has set a deadline of 15 January 1991 for Iraqi withdrawal. It is subsequently extended by one day. During the night of 16-17 January the allied countries launch an unprecedentedly heavy air and missile attack against Iraqi installations, both in Kuwait and in Iraq. Iraq retaliates by firing in the direction of Israel several antiquated but nevertheless dangerous Scud missiles, supplied in the past by the Soviet Union. They have the range to reach Israel, but only very limited accuracy. Within a few days the Americans supply Israel with Patriot missiles, capable of intercepting and exploding the incoming Scud rockets.
By the end of January the Iraqis are pumping Kuwaiti oil into the Persian Gulf, creating massive pollution, and in early February they begin setting fire to Kuwaiti oil fields. An allied ground offensive begins on February 24 and meets with little resistance. Kuwait City, the capital of the country, is liberated on February 26. On February 27 Iraq's Republican Guard is defeated in a tank battle in southern Iraq. Allied military action is suspended early the next morning and a ceasefire is announced. The stated aim of the operation, the liberation of Kuwait, has been achieved.
Many will subsequently regret that the UN forces did not push on into Iraq and remove Saddam – particularly since the war itself causes unexpected disasters within Iraq. Persecuted minorities within the country, including the Kurds in the north and the Marsh Arabs in the south, feeling confident of western support, attempt insurrections during the war. Saddam's savage level of reprisals is predictable.
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